A Human Rights Activist, a learned, experienced and most erudite judge strucked off the roll before the Pietermaritzburg High Court Jacob Zuma's corruption case by drawing strong political interference by the South Africa's Highest Office, then.
Thabo Mbeki's political astuteness, or must we call it, political arrogance saw him having the temerity to dismiss { writing on ANC Today} the 'Working Class Vanguard' seminal paper crafted in preparation for the SACP Special Congress held in Port Elizabeth that it was the work of the 'Prophets of Doom'.
MKHUZENI LOMONGAMELI KAKHONGOLOSE-NGENQUBOMGOBO YEZOMNOTHO
{Ilanga; October 26-26, 2006}
Izivunguvungu zokuqophisana ngamazwi ashubile phakathi kwabaholi, okungoweqembu elibusayo lika-Khongolose kanye neqembu elingama-dlela-ndawonye nalo okungelamaKho-manisi, kuhle, kuyancomeka futhi kuya-likhulisa nesiko lenkambiso yentando yeningi kuleli zwe.
Nokho-ke kodwa labo dalimede baka-muva-nje phakathi kukamfo ka"Siphambano", onguNobhala-jikelele wamaBomvu. kanye nomfo kaMzizi, uMengameli wezwe, baphonsa inselelo kubalobi ukuba bake bahlaziye bese becacisela uquqaba olusemazingeni aphansi ngenkambiso okuphokophelelwe ukuba mayisetshenziswe kuleli zwe ukuze uwonkewonke ahlomule kwizithukuthuku nezithelo zikaHulumeni obusa ngenqubomgomo yezomnotho eyosula izinyembezi kanye nayo yonke imiphefumulo eyaswelakala kulwela lo hulumeni obusa ngenta-ndo yeningi eNingizimu neAfrika.
Cishe bonke abangabasebenzi kulelizwe kanye nama"Bomvana" kuhlanganisa lonke uquqaba olumpofu olwakhele lelizwe, bayawuqhakambisa umbhalo ngumhlahlandlela, obizwa phecelezi
'SACP Disrursjon Document', ngaphansi kwesihloko esithi "Khuluma",phecelezi, "Bua; Khomanisi' owabe ushicilelwe ngenyanga kaNhlaba (May) 2006 ngoba uyihlaba esikhonkosini ngobubha izakhamuzi zakuleli zwe ezibhekene nabo nokuswela imisebenzi mihla yonke yempilo yazo kuwowonke amazinga abaphila behlala ngaphansi kwawo.
Ingqikithi yokubhala kwamaKhomanisi kwakungukuvukuza nokuhabulisa uquqaba njengoba sebezilungiselela ingqungquthela ezoba maphakathi noyaka osazokwethwasa. Lo mbhalo we-SACP uphonsa imibuzo eyinselelo kwizakhamizi kanye nabahlali kuleli zwe, njengokuthi ngemuva kweminyaka eyishumi nambili, kukhona yini ngempela umsebenzi nomsebenzi kuleli zwe angakuqhakambisa njengezithelo asebezivunile ngemuva kweminyakanyaka lapno isithunzi namalungelo abasebenzi kade ehudulelwa phansi khona na.
Kungezikhathi ezilukhuni njengalezi lapho uquqaba olwakhele leli zwe kungafanele nangengozi lumatanise ukuqophisana kwabaholi ngokweziqu zabo uqobo, hleze baphunduleke baze balu-theke ukuthi umholi nomholi usuke eqhakambisa lokho okuyisisekelo nenqubo-mgomo yeqembu aliholayo.
Inselelo enkulu ngethi kungabe sesifikile yini isikhathi lapho abampofu, okungabasebenzi - kwelongxiwankulu sekufanele bagweve uthi baqhakambise amandla omnotho alele ezandleni zabo na?
NjengoNobhala-jikelele weqembu leSonth African Communist Party, uMnu Blade Nzimande nomthwalo osemahlombe akhe wokuphonsa imibuzo engenakuzwakala kahle kwabanye, njengo-mbuzo-ngqangi wephepha abasanda kulishicilela.
"Kungabe ngempela inqumo-mgomo yezomnotho (Gear) yakuleli zwe ibhekephi futhi ihlose ukusiza bani uma ngemuva kweshumi nambili leminyaka leli zwe lathola inkululeko kepha umnotho wakuleli zwe uyaqhubeka nokuqhoqhobalwa yingcosana yabomdabu kanye neningi labongxiwankulu abaMhlophe abangabakhathalele abampofu kuleli zwe na?" okungumbuzo oqavile obhalwe ngamaKhomanisi.
Ngumbuzo onjengalona ophonsa izinselelo kuzo zonke izakhamizi zaseNingizimu ne-Afrika lapho kusuke kulethe ungabazane ngokufezekisa iphupho lesigaba sesibili futhi ekungesokugcina ngemuva kosuku lwenkululeko kwabaningi, esaziwa phecelezi,National Democraric Revolution NDR
Ephendula njengomholi weqembu elibusayo kuleli zwe, uMengameli Mvuyelwa Thabo Mbeki, ube esebhala encwadini yakhe ephuma masonto onke, "ANC TODAY", ngoLwesihlanu lwangomhla zingama-23 kuNhlangulana (June) 2006 lapho ezwakalise ukunengeka, wacela usizo kongaPhezulu ngala magama: "Mdali, Mnini-mandla wonke, sisize usivikele kulaba bapholofethi bamanga" esho eqondise kwi-SACP Discussion Document.
Kuliqiniso elingephikwe izakhamizi zakulelilizwe ukuthi kukhona ukungaboni ngaso linye kuma-qembu angamadlela-ndawonye awumbimbi kulelizwe ngenkambiso yenqubo-mgomo we-zomnotho kusukela kwaphasiswa umthetho weGear ngowe-1996.
Kodwa Izithwalandwe ezalwisana nohulumeni wamaBhunu nobandlululo kwaze kwatholakala umbuso wentando-yeningi, ziyakuncoma lokhu kujikijelana kwabaholi, futhi zikuqhakambisa nje-ngesisekelo esakha sakhulisa le nqola emasondosondo eyisikhondlakhondla seqembu likaKhongolose ngaphandle kokudicilela izithunzi zabaholi phansi.
Phezu kwale nkombankombane ebonakalayo ngomhlahlandlela wenqubo-mgomo wezomnotho okufanele ulandelwe nguHulumeni obusayo eNingizimu ne-Afrika, bonke ababeyibambe ekha-leni kumzabalazo wenkululeko kuleli zwe, babala amadelakufa angamaqabane ayengoNobhala-jikelele bamaKhomanisi njengoMnu Moses Kotane noMnu Moses Mabhida ukuthi uma ngabe basadla anhlavana namuhla kungabe bawa bevuka ngokushiwo nguNobhala jikelele wamaKhomanisi kulesi sikhathi esikuso.
La madoda angasenhla achazwa njengalabo abanikela ngempilo yabo kunokubona iqembu lamaKhomanisi lilahlekelwa ngelalikuphokophelele (focus) okubizwa phecelezi, National Democr atic Revolution, lapho umnotho wakulelizwezwe uyobe sewuhleli ezandleni ezingabanikazi bawo - abasebenzi.
Umbuzo-ke ongaphenduleki ngothi empeleni yikhona lokhu osekubangele umholi weqembu likaKhongolose athi sesidinga usizo (intervention of celestial powers) ngoba leli qeqebana lamakhomanisi eliphila kule nkulungwane yeminyaka - "our own 21st century Marxist" liyedusa, liyanhlanhlatha futhi licaphuna ngokungeyikho lowo othathwa n ngobaba wobukhomanisi emhlabeni jikelele, uKarl Marx, encwadini yakhe ayiloba ebizwa nge "Das Kapital" lapho eqha mbisa khona abangombela kwesabo, phecelezi,"capitalist accumulation".
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi
EMLAZI
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NGOWANI LO MSONDO NGENCWADI EBHEKISWE KUBAMELI BAKAZUMA?
{Ilanga LangeSonto; July 9,2006}
Lo msindo ongaka osuqubukile ngenxa yencwadi eyabhalwa yi-zikhulu ezihola ithimba loFezela kulesifundazwe ibhekiswe kuba-meli beSekela-Mongameli weqe-mbu likaKhongolose uMnuz. Jacob Zuma, nakubameli benka mpani yaseFrance ekhiqiza izi-khali yakwa-Thint, kanye naku-lowo ophethe amajaji kulesi si-fundazwe iJaji Vuka Tshabalala, kufanele ibhekwe ngalokho eyi-' yikho ngempela kanye nazozo-nke izinhloso ezihambisana no-kubhalwa kwayo. Ukubhalelana izincwadi eziqo-ndene nakho konke okuhambi-sana necala elisuke selisezithe-beni zenkantolo phakathi kwa-bameli, ngisho nalabo abasuke bemele umbuso, kuyinto ejwaye-lekile futhi ekungenasidingo so-kubanga umsindo ngayo. Kodwa-ke, ukuvumbuka kwale ncwadi ebhalwe ngorahla ka 23 Juni 2008 iphuma ngasohlango thini loFezela (Scorpions) kuye-thusa. Phela lapha sikhuluma ngenzukazikeyi yecala elingu-ndaba-rnlonyeni kwezepolitiki-futhi ngokuqulwa kwalo sonke sizozibonela ukuthi inkambiso nokukhula kwezomthetho seku-hambe ibanga elingakanani ku-leli zwe laseNingizimu ne-Afri-ka. Le ncwadi ndini okukhulunywa
ngayo ayiqukethe zimanga, nga-phandle nje kwesicelo ngabethi-mba loFezela ukuthi banesicelo sokuba abameli bakaMnuz Zuma, kanye nenkampani yezikhali yakwaThint kebabanike ithu-tshana elingaphezu kwezinyanga eziyisithupha behlanganisa "imbumbulu yecala" elizobhe-kana nalaba mangalelwa aba-ngasenhla.
Tzazi zomthetho nokho aziboni kisyisicelo esiyingqaiiiivele lesi kwezomthetho, nokho baphaka-misa igalelo elinzima lapb.0 be-veza khona ukuthi "Hhiya umfo kaMsholozi unqobe engasapho-nsanga nakanye kuleli thimba loFezela".
Uma ngicaphuna okubhalwe phansi kwi-Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977, abameli bakaZu-ma abasenanduku abangayigale-la ngoba ngokomthetho zephuki-
le kwithimba elimshushisayo. Ngixoxe nezingqayingqayi ese-zimnkantshubomvu kwezomthetho zithi uMnuz Zuma kanye ne-thimba Iakhe sekuyofanele ukuthi ngosuku obekufanele kuqa-Iwe ngalo ukuthethwa kwecala lakhe, benze ngaphakathi eNka-ntolo eNkulu yaseMgungundlovu isicelo sokuba aliphele leli cala ngoba sekusobala ukuthi umbuso wabe uvele ungenacala onga-libhekisa kubo kwasekuqaleni. Naye uMnuz Michael Hulley, ongummeli kaMnuz Zuma useku-shilo kwagcwala umlomo ukuthi lowo ammele enkantolo umyale-le ukuba aphikisane ngayoyonke indlela ukuba leli cala lisenga-phinde lihlehliswe futhi. Kodwa okunguye okubeke kwacaca bha njengempuzi igadula ehlungwini kube ngumphathi-jikelele we-nkampani yezikhali, engumma-ngalelwa wesibili kuleli cala, uMnuz Pierre Moynot. "UMbuso r.ezinkantolo zakuleli zwe bazidlalela ngesikhathi nje ngoba kwasekuqaleni babenge-nalo icala abangalibeka kithi kanye noMnuz Zuma. Abanabo ubufakazi bokusishushisa nge-nto engekho ngaphandle-nje ko-kusebenzisa izinkantolo ekufe-zeni izinjongo zabathile zezepo-litiki" kuchaza uMoynot. Njengoba uSomQulu obizwa nge-Criminal Procedure Act kanye neConstitution yakuleli zwe
ikubeka kucace bha ukuthi umu-ntu nomuntu ovele esebekwe amacala kufanele umbuso umni-keze konke okuhambisana nama-cala azobhekana nawo, kungabe ithimba loFezela belethembeni ngokubeka amacala lowo obhe-kwe ukuthatha izintambo zoku-hola leli zwe ngo-2009 ngapha-ndle kobufakazi obubambekayo na? Iningi laziwela ngomhla ka 12 Meyi 2006 eNkantolo eNkulu ya-seThekwini lapho abameli bakaMnuz Zuma babenze isicelo so-kuthola umqulu obizwa phece-lezi nge"complete indictment ukuze bakwazi ukuzilungiselela amacala ababhekene nawo kuse-nesikhathi.
Ngokungathekisa-nje, isinqumo esakhishwa yiJaji uPhillip Levi-nson sokuthi umuntu onamandla okwenze njalo yijaji eliqokelwe ukuthethwa kwecala likaMnuz Zuma, kushiya imibuzo engaphe-nduleki ngokuthi yena qobo lwa-khe lowo ophethe amajaji kulesi sifundazwe ubanjw;e yini ukwe-nekela izwe lowo okubhekeke engamele icala-likaMnuz Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma ngomhlaka 31 Julayi 2006.
Kubhale:
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi (Umbhali, umcwaningi, nomhlaziyi wezinda-ba zepolitiki) ETHEKWINI
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INKIYANKIYA ESIYAKHELWE NGOFEZELA (SCORPIONS) KULELIZWE
{UMAfrika; Sept 1-7, 2006}
ABEZEMIDLALO bakuqhakambi-sa kabi ukuthi akukho muntu ongaba ngumdlali enkundleni aphinde fuihi abe ngunondweba kulowo mdlalo.
Lesi sisho sesivele sahlala obala ngemuva kwezethulo zasenkantolo ezifungelwe - ebezethulwa ithimba labamangalelwa, okungusekela-mongameli weqembu likaKhongoIose, uMnuz Jacob Zuma nenkampani eyisikhondlakhondla ngokudayiswa kwezikhali ebizwa ngeThint.
Ngenxa yokuthi lolu daba sezithebeni zenkantolo, phecelezi (sub judice), asizungena emnqakiswawsni ngokuyiqiniso nokungelona kula macala okuthiwa ngawenkohiakalo nokukhwabanisa ngokugwazelana.
"UNGEiPHIKWE umsebenzi omuhle wethimba loFezela ekulweni nokudlanga kuzo zonke izinhlaka kobugebengu... "
Kodwa-ke okufanele kubhekisiswe ngumuntu nomuntu oyisakhamuzi kuleli lizwe yile nkiyankiya esibonokala ikhungethe ithimba laboFezela ekushushiseni ngempumeleio abamangalelwa esi-thathe cishe iminyaka engaphczu kwemihlanu ibaphenyisisa.
Nokho ungephikwe umsebenzi omuhle wethimba loFezela ekulweni nokudlanga kuzo zonke izinhlaka kobugebengu eNingizimu Afrika.
Kepha-ke la maqiniso ngokwezincwadi ezifungelwe ezethulwe phambi kweJaji leNkantolo eNkulu ya-seMgungundlovu ashiya inqwaba yemibuzo engaphenduleki ngokusebenza "kwamasosha aphinde azikhuze", njengalowo owabe engumQondisi wezokuShushiswa koMphakathi nowayenguNgqongqoshe we-zoBulungiswa kuqala uphenyo ngala macala.
Isithombe esakhekayo emiqondweni yezakhamuzi zakuleli lizwe sijikijela imibuzo ngokuthi kanti uSomQulu, phecelezi, iCriminal Procedure Act noMthethosisekelo yakuleli lizwe iqhakanjiswa futhi ilandelwe nini uma kuvela izitatimende zabamangalelwa zikhalaza ngokudii lezi
zikhulu engizibale ngasenhla zavele zanhlanhlatha nje zalandela izinhloso-ngqangi ezazifeza izinjongo zazo, ngaphandle kokuhlonipha nokuqhakambisa amalungelo esakhamuzi nesakhamuzi esakhele leli lizwe?
Isibonakaliso-nje, iqabane elinguMnuzTony Yengeni liphakathi KwaMjibha ngakho njalo belu ukuluthwa nokukhohliswa wase elivuma icala lomgunyathi kweminye yemizi yala bafokazi ababaliwe ngasenhla.
Lokhu kugamanxa kwalezi zikhulu ezimbili kulolu daba olusezithebeni zenkantolo kuphonsa inselelo kuzo zonke izakhamizi zaseNingizimu ne-Afrika ukufundisisa nokuhlaziya izincomo zeKhomishini kaJaji Sisi Khampepe eseyethulwa eHhovisi li-kaMengameli Thabo Mbeki ngoku-phinde benze iziphakamiso ngokwe-migomo kaHulumeni wentando yeningi ngokusebenza kwethimba loFezela ekuhlumeleliseni ukuzethemba izinhlaka ezakhelwe ukulwa nobugebengu kuleli lizwe.
Masibhekisisa ngamehlo ezingqapheli lolu daba lokushushiswa kukaMnuz Zuma nenkampani eyadayisela leli lizwe ngezikhali, kubonakala imifantu yesekisi.
Ngokomthetho waleli lizwe, ngokwezikhundla zawo la madoda angasenhla kuyasikhungatha ukuqondisisa ubuhlakani obabungenza kube yiwo kanye ayeyibambe ekhaleni nsu-ku zonke kuphenywa uMsholozi.
Ngisho yena qobo lwakhe uThabizolo, uJaji Qedusizi Msimang obhekene nokuqulwa kwaleli cala uyongena emlandweni wezazi kwezomthetho ngokuhlaziya aqule icala eliyobizwa ngelobugebengu, kodwa kucace njengongcede efusini futhi umphakathi wakuleli lizwe ube wazi kahle ukuthi akukho bugebengu obake baqulwa ngokwepolitiki emhlabeni jikelele. \
"MASIBHEKISISA... lolu daba lokushushiswa kukaMnuz Zuma nenkampani yezikhali, kubonakala imifantu yesekisi".
Kubhale: NKONZWENHLE MQADI
EMLAZI
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MAKUBHEKWE IZINHLA EZIHLUKUMEZAYO NGOKUPHASISWA KWEMITHETO ETHIZE
{Ilanga ; February 5-7, 2007}
Sekuvulubuke izibalo ezethu-sayo ngokuphela kweisebenzi kuleli zwe ngenxa yezincomo zikaHulumeni ezintsha zokuphasiswa kweminye imithetho ngoku-bhema ugwayi, phecelezi, New Tobacco Products Control Bill. Kungekudala iningi lizizwele amaxhwele ezikhalela kwinkulu-mo-mpikiswano ebeyenziwa ngesinye sezi-teshi zomsakazo esizimele esizinze enka-beni yeTheku ngemithetho ehlongozwa nguHulumeni.
Kodwa-ke ngemuva kokwethamela ingu-yazana lapho kade kuqhakisana labo aba-simele ePhalamende elikhulu laseKapa ngalo mthethp-sichibiyelo, njengombhali ongasiyena umbhemi wanoma yikuphi oku-fuquza intuthu, ngiphakamisa ukuthi ayi-phindwe inekwe ezithebeni le mithetho enqanda noma ekhalima ukubhenywa ku-kagwayi kuleli zwe. Nakube seyicela eshu-mini iminyaka kwaphasiswa imithetho yo-kungafuquzi ugwayi esidlangalaleni kuleli lizwe ngoba kwesatshelwa ububi kanye ne-zifo ugwayi onomthelela kuzo ezimpilweni zomphakathi, sekuvele isithombe esingena-kubalekelwa futhi esesibe nomkhulu um-thelela lapho leli lizwe likhungatheke kho-na ngoMiphela kweimsebenzi kwizakhami-zi.
Nakube ngokomgotoo (in principle) si-ngeke saphikisana nezincomo zikaNgqong-qoshe wezeMpilo ekushayeni imithetho ephokophele ukuphephisa imDilo valaho
ndaphindiwe. Iningi lezakhamizi ezakhele elaseNingizimu neAfrika liyavumelana ukuthi ngemuva kokuphasiswa kwemithe-tho elwisana nokubhema ezindaweni ezi-gcwele imiphakathi, nalabo abangezwani nephunga lokuhogela ugwayi bese bezizwa bevikelekile futhi nempilo yabo seziphe-phile kulemfucuza kagwayi. Ngisho lona iningi losoPhalamende bayavumelana no-bungozi obubhebhezelwa intuthu kanye nephunga elihambisana nemindweza, ikakhu-lukazi njengoba sekuthe chithi saka nezi-inbombayi zemindweza ekhiqizwa ngama-zwe aziwayo ngokukhiqiza "oshibhulayini".
Kodwa-ke izibalo zokulahleka kwemise-benzi ezethulwe ngoyisikhulu esiphezulu kwisikhondlakhondla senkampani ekhiqi-za inqwaba yogwayi ababhenywa kakhulu kuleli lizwe ePhalamende, uMnumzane David Crow wakwaBritish American Tobacco (BAT), ziyethusa.
UMnunzane Crow useyihlabe wayihlikiza inhloso-mgomo yemithetho enswinya ezo-kubhema kuleli lizwe ngenxa yokuthi uthi inomthethelela ekulambiseni kanye noku-bulala ikusasa le mindeni engahlanganise lutho nokubhema noma ukungabhemi kanye nazo zonke izinkinga ezihambisana nalo mkhuba. "Ekuqaleni kweminyaka ya-wo-1990 izimakethe zethu zikagwayi kuleli lizwe bezikhiqiza okubalelwa enanini lo-kungu-36 billion, kodwa manje sekwehle
ncwsilrhiflii ioiuinitii ciim oo k;ii;«« i----------------
kwinani labasebenzi abayizinkulungwane ezinhlanu (5 000) ebesibaqashili sasala ne-dlanzana lezisebenzi eziyizinkulungwane ezimbili (2 000) kuphela. Futhi-ke asimile kulesi sibalo ngoba kungekudala sizodiliza amanye amakhulu amathathu (300) kungekudala bese siyayivala imboni yethu ekhi-qiza ugwayi ese-Paarl" kuchaza uMnu Crow.
Lesi sikhulu senkampani ekhiqiza ugwayi siphinde sengeza ngokuthi kwabona abalimi abasebenzisana ekukhiqizeni ugwayi ababalelwa ku-816 baklinyekile osekubaphoqelele ekubeni badilize izisebenzi ezisuka ngaphezulu kwezinkulungwane ezingamashumi ayisithupha (60 000)baze basala nemithonselana ebalelwa kwizinkulungwane ezingamashumi amabili nanye (21 000)kuphela. Nakuba kungephikiswane nezinhloso-ngqangi zikaHulumeni ngalo mthetho-sichibiyelo, kepha bekuyoba kuhle ukubhe-kisisa zonke izinhla zomphakathi eziyohlu-kumezeka njengako ukuphasisa imithetho enomthelelo njengokagwayi ekupheleni kwemi-sebenzi ebeyingavimbeleka.
Kubhale: Nkonzwenhle Mqadi
eThekwini
Saturday, September 19, 2009
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
DBN HIGH COURT 'ONCE' RULED IN FAVOUR OF ANC-LED COUNCIL
(Durban street-renaming debacle goes to court again)
Typical of the political dynamics within the KwaZulu-Natal landscape, what was meant as a closure or a fresh start from the heinous, inhumane colonial and apartheid regimes that had deliberately imposed or literally misspelt numerous historical landmarks within the city of Durban and its sorrounding neighbourhoods will have to be settled before the court of law.
The Democratic Alliance now enjoined by the Inkatha Freedom Party, have instituted a court application before the Durban High Court whereby they challenge the African National Congress-led municipality to overturn the eThekwini Municipality's street renaming process.
We argue that the wider eThekwini residents were excluded from the Masakhane Committee that was entrusted with buildings and street renaming process as the ANC-aligned councillors only persued their own, narrow political objectives, reads the averments.
Giving arguments as the legal counsel of the applicants, advocate Pat Jeffreys averred that the eThekwini Municipality 'breached the public' s right not to be unfairly discriminated against with regard to culture and freedom of expression'.
"His Worship, it is my submission that certain action taken by the council constituted an incitement of imminent violence and advocated hatred based on race and ethnicity" argued Adv Jeffreys.
He added that the municipality had also failed to preserve names that were part of cultural, historical and linguistical heritage.
However, exco meeting records revealed that the city manager Dr Mike Sutcliffe had on June 25, 2007 presented a project framework that would have guided the renaming process, and that the municipality leadership were expected to, after extensive consultation, approve the application tabled by the Masakhane Committee of the already 181 proposed new names.
Hearing the application was Judge David Ntshangase, and had adjourned the matter indefinitely in order to allow the eThekwini municipality legal team to make their submissions.
It was ruled that a new court date would be set by the court and communicated to all parties.
It suffices to add that this court challenge is a sequel to the first court application that was filed before the Durban High Court by the DA in 2007, which was rejected with costs.
The dismissal of the DA's initial attempt to stop the Durban's street renaming process had forced, then newly-elected DA leader Hellen Zille, during an exclusive interview with this writer to call the 'Durban street-renaming as a daylight robbery as it was not fair and democratic at all'
(Reporter.co.za; July 30, 2007).
Zille's outburst had sparked a furious response from eThekwini Municipality manager Dr Mike Sutcliffe who had dismissed Zille's remarks as sour geapes and "opportunistic to say the least".
"Obviously the DA is crazy because the Durban High Court rejected their application to stop the street renaming process with costs, eThekwini Municipality had followed a far more open and democratic process than the minority-led DA elite group in Cape Town.
Ours was more inclusive with proper consultation with all municipal residents, hence the process of street renaming proceeds next month" explained Sutcliffe.
Typical of the political dynamics within the KwaZulu-Natal landscape, what was meant as a closure or a fresh start from the heinous, inhumane colonial and apartheid regimes that had deliberately imposed or literally misspelt numerous historical landmarks within the city of Durban and its sorrounding neighbourhoods will have to be settled before the court of law.
The Democratic Alliance now enjoined by the Inkatha Freedom Party, have instituted a court application before the Durban High Court whereby they challenge the African National Congress-led municipality to overturn the eThekwini Municipality's street renaming process.
We argue that the wider eThekwini residents were excluded from the Masakhane Committee that was entrusted with buildings and street renaming process as the ANC-aligned councillors only persued their own, narrow political objectives, reads the averments.
Giving arguments as the legal counsel of the applicants, advocate Pat Jeffreys averred that the eThekwini Municipality 'breached the public' s right not to be unfairly discriminated against with regard to culture and freedom of expression'.
"His Worship, it is my submission that certain action taken by the council constituted an incitement of imminent violence and advocated hatred based on race and ethnicity" argued Adv Jeffreys.
He added that the municipality had also failed to preserve names that were part of cultural, historical and linguistical heritage.
However, exco meeting records revealed that the city manager Dr Mike Sutcliffe had on June 25, 2007 presented a project framework that would have guided the renaming process, and that the municipality leadership were expected to, after extensive consultation, approve the application tabled by the Masakhane Committee of the already 181 proposed new names.
Hearing the application was Judge David Ntshangase, and had adjourned the matter indefinitely in order to allow the eThekwini municipality legal team to make their submissions.
It was ruled that a new court date would be set by the court and communicated to all parties.
It suffices to add that this court challenge is a sequel to the first court application that was filed before the Durban High Court by the DA in 2007, which was rejected with costs.
The dismissal of the DA's initial attempt to stop the Durban's street renaming process had forced, then newly-elected DA leader Hellen Zille, during an exclusive interview with this writer to call the 'Durban street-renaming as a daylight robbery as it was not fair and democratic at all'
(Reporter.co.za; July 30, 2007).
Zille's outburst had sparked a furious response from eThekwini Municipality manager Dr Mike Sutcliffe who had dismissed Zille's remarks as sour geapes and "opportunistic to say the least".
"Obviously the DA is crazy because the Durban High Court rejected their application to stop the street renaming process with costs, eThekwini Municipality had followed a far more open and democratic process than the minority-led DA elite group in Cape Town.
Ours was more inclusive with proper consultation with all municipal residents, hence the process of street renaming proceeds next month" explained Sutcliffe.
Thursday, August 13, 2009
RACISM CHALLENGED AT DBN EQUALITY COURT
1/31/2006 8:47:08 AM
Durban - The formal court hearing of the KwaZulu-Natal head of the Independent Complaints Directorate, accused of making racist remarks, began on Monday with heated arguments and at one stage the complainant was bordering on doing exactly what he has accused ICD head Shireen Lakhi of.
Presiding officer Geoff Abrahams intervened when during cross-examination Nkonzwenhle Mqadi stated that "these Indians have their own agenda". He was referring to being arrested several times by Indian policemen.
When Abrahams asked Mqadi whether he was not doing the same as the complaint that he has brought to the Equality Court, he become emotional and indicated that he said it because of pain and anger.
Mqadi said he approached the ICD to investigate police brutality he experienced and that Lakhi's legal representative Jacqui Henriques was using those "painful memories" to the respondent's advantage.
"I don't care if I'm in contempt of court but I feel like I am not fit to go on. They are trying to make a fool out of me. This woman is just trying to invoke pain in me. This has no relevance to the complaint," he said.
In response Henriques said questions about his arrests was to prove if he is a credible witness.
Repeatedly arrested
Earlier Mqadi said he brought his case after he experienced "pain, shock, humiliation and ridicule at the hands of Lakhi".
He said he initially approached the ICD to investigate alleged ill-treatment by police when he was repeatedly arrested for charges such as assault and pointing a firearm. He said after a few unsatisfactory letters from an ICD investigator, he approached a secretary at the ICD to make an appointment with Lakhi.
After he made the appointment, he went back to the office to confirm that he was to meet with Lakhi. He alleges that the secretary told him the appointment was scheduled for September 13 and that he should not be late as "you know Miss Lakhi is a very cheeky person".
Mqadi said that on September 13 he entered the ICD office and greeted Lakhi in the reception area. He says he pointed out that he was 15 minutes early for their meeting.
He claims Lakhi's response was: "I do not have any appointment with you. To hell with that Miss Lapke and she is not my secretary to make appointments for me. I am fed up with you Africans who think they are clever to consult with me when there are junior investigators to attend to your matters."
Mqadi claims that when Lakhi's voice got louder another ICD employee came into the room and tried to calm her down.
Ncgobo will give evidence on Wednesday.
Click here to read the rest of the story...
Click here to find out about this and other News24 newslette
Durban - The formal court hearing of the KwaZulu-Natal head of the Independent Complaints Directorate, accused of making racist remarks, began on Monday with heated arguments and at one stage the complainant was bordering on doing exactly what he has accused ICD head Shireen Lakhi of.
Presiding officer Geoff Abrahams intervened when during cross-examination Nkonzwenhle Mqadi stated that "these Indians have their own agenda". He was referring to being arrested several times by Indian policemen.
When Abrahams asked Mqadi whether he was not doing the same as the complaint that he has brought to the Equality Court, he become emotional and indicated that he said it because of pain and anger.
Mqadi said he approached the ICD to investigate police brutality he experienced and that Lakhi's legal representative Jacqui Henriques was using those "painful memories" to the respondent's advantage.
"I don't care if I'm in contempt of court but I feel like I am not fit to go on. They are trying to make a fool out of me. This woman is just trying to invoke pain in me. This has no relevance to the complaint," he said.
In response Henriques said questions about his arrests was to prove if he is a credible witness.
Repeatedly arrested
Earlier Mqadi said he brought his case after he experienced "pain, shock, humiliation and ridicule at the hands of Lakhi".
He said he initially approached the ICD to investigate alleged ill-treatment by police when he was repeatedly arrested for charges such as assault and pointing a firearm. He said after a few unsatisfactory letters from an ICD investigator, he approached a secretary at the ICD to make an appointment with Lakhi.
After he made the appointment, he went back to the office to confirm that he was to meet with Lakhi. He alleges that the secretary told him the appointment was scheduled for September 13 and that he should not be late as "you know Miss Lakhi is a very cheeky person".
Mqadi said that on September 13 he entered the ICD office and greeted Lakhi in the reception area. He says he pointed out that he was 15 minutes early for their meeting.
He claims Lakhi's response was: "I do not have any appointment with you. To hell with that Miss Lapke and she is not my secretary to make appointments for me. I am fed up with you Africans who think they are clever to consult with me when there are junior investigators to attend to your matters."
Mqadi claims that when Lakhi's voice got louder another ICD employee came into the room and tried to calm her down.
Ncgobo will give evidence on Wednesday.
Click here to read the rest of the story...
Click here to find out about this and other News24 newslette
Tuesday, August 11, 2009
NGOWANI LO MSINDO NGOKUQANJWA KABUSHA KWE-KZN?
ILANGA LANGESONTO MAY 07, 2006
KUYETHUSA, kuyenyanyisa futhi kulichilo ukuba abezindaba kanye nosopolitiki babange omkhulu umsindo uma sekukhulume umlomo ongathethi manga, iSilo samaBandla Onke kulesi sifundazwe uNdabezitha Goodwill Zwelithini kaDinuZulu ngokuqanjwa kabusha kwesifundazwe kweliKaMthaniya kube yiKwaZulu.
Mhlawumbe sikhona isidingo sokuba emva kokwedlula kweminyaka elishumi izwe laseNi-ngizimu ne-Afrika lathola uHulumeni wentando yeningi, imiphakathi eyakhele nesizukulwane esizayo kulesi sifundisiwe ukuba kebachazelwe kabusha ngemvelaphi yegama KwaZulu-Natal.
IZulu eliPhezulu liyihlabe esikhonkosini ukuphakamisa ikuba sethiwe kabusha lesi sifundazwe futhi sibizwe ngegama vele esasaziwa ngalo kungakafiki aMaqadasi nezinjongo zawo zoku-cindezela abakhele leli zwe ngokwepolitiki, ezomnotho kanye nokushiya insila yokucindezeleka ingaphelile ngokomqondo kwabamnyama.
Ngaphambi kokungena esiphakamisweni seSilo, ngithatha leli thuba ukukhumbuza bonke abakhele lesi sifundazwe, ikakhulukazi wonke amaZulu akhonze KwaKhethomthandayo ukuthi njalo uma ukhulunywa izindaba ezithinta iSilo naseNdlunkulu, ikakhulukazi njengesabelo sezi-tiali KwiSishayamthetho, ngisho okungenadosi kuyatinyela.
Muva nje abezindaba basibikele ukuthi ongumholi weqembu labeLungu KwiSishayamthetho uMnuz Roger Burrows ukuhlabe wakuhlikiza ukwakhiwa koMthetho-sisekelo wesiifundazwe oqhakambisa amandla eSilo njengomuntu obhekele bonke abakhele lesi sifudazwe.
Zolo lokhu ongumholi weqembu lamaNdiya kwiSishayamthetho uMnuz Amichand Raj-
bansi uphakamise okuyimpicabadala lapho ethi zonke izizwe ezakhele lesi sifundazwe, kungaba. yiwo amaNdiya, amaBhunu noma amaKhaladi kufanele abe nawawo amakhosi kulesi sikhathi samanje ngoba ethi ziningi lezi zimali ezifuqelwa ehhovisi elibhekene nezindaba zeSilo naseNdlunkulu.
Ubhejane phume'siqiwini ukuphakamisile ukubhekisisa ukuqanjwa kwalesi sifundazwe KwiSithangami ebesidingida Impi Yemali YamaKhanda eye-nzeka kulesi sifundazwe emi-nyakeni elikhulu eyedlule (1906), lapho bekuhlangene khona uDkt Jacob Zuma, oSoMlando, AmaKhosi akhele lesi sifundazwe, izifundiswa kanye nabo bonke ababambe iqhaza ekwakheni kabusha umlando walesi sifundazwe futhi bonke bebeze ngamaxhama abo noma lawo adlalwa ngokhokho babo ekulwisaneni noKhandaPondo bangaleso sikhathi.
Ingqikithi yesithangami bekungukubhekisisa kabusha igama elethiwa ngabelungu kule mpi ethathwa njengeyaba namahlandla aqavile ekuhlanganiseni zonke izizwe ezimnyama ezakhele izwe laseNingizimu ne-Afrika, ngemuva kokuba amaNgisi namaBhunu (1899-19-02) eselwile, ehlulana ase exolelana ukuze akwazi ukubambisana ekucindezeleni abantu abamnyama kuleli zwe.
Bonke abebehambele lesi sithangami bavumelene ngokuthi ukubiza Impi Yemali Yama-khanda ngeBHAMBATHA REBELLION ayibaniki abaMnyama isithunzi kanye nesigqi esifanele le mpi ngoba phela, phecelezi, ngesiLungu 'to rebel' wukuphuma ecaleni udlove nje okungenamqondo, kanti lempi yabe ihlelwe ngesinono futhi bonke ababeyibambile njengoBhambatha Zondi, Sgananda Shezi, Mehlokazulu Ngobese, angesale ngaphandle noChakijana, ngoba babebambisene kakhulu nobukhosi baKwaZulu bangaleso sikhathi.
Nabo ubukhosi baKwaNxamalala eNkandla badlala enkulu indima kule mpi, njengoba sikhuluma nje maningi amathambo amadoda akulesisifundazwe alele ehlathini phakathi eNkandla.
Abafundi kufane bakuqondisise ukuthi Inkosi uDinuzulu iboshwa nje idingiswe, idunguzele ize ikhothame epulazini KwaThengisanga (Middelburg), yingenxa yokuthi inkosikazi kaBhambatha uSiyekisiwe yabanjwa yaboshwa eMahlabathini, yase iyaziqeketha izindaba kubeLungu ukuthi
yona nezingane zayo babecashiswe oSuthu yinkosi uDinuzulu.
Ukuphakanyiswa kwe"Kwa Zulu" njengegama okuzoqanjwa ngalo lesi sifundazwe kabusha kuba ngenkulu inselelo kwizakhamuzi ezakhele lesi sifundazwe.
Kungabe njengoba sigubha ikhulu leminyaka ngeMpi Yemali Yamakhanda senza ngokuyikho yini ukuthi ngisho bona abacubunguli ngokuqanjwa kabusha kwamagama ezindawo kulesi sifundazwe kube ngezinye izinhlanga na?
Kungabe idolobha elikhulu kulesi sifundazwe "DURBAN"laqambeka ngokuyikho yini ngoba phela idolobha eliyokomkhulu-mbuso kulelizwe "PRETORIA" lesulwa njengoba selaziwa ngeTSHWANE nje?
Kungabe lesi sifundazwe senza ngakho yini ukwenza imikhuba ehambisana nokulanda abafela ehlathini eNkandla ngesikhathi seMpi yeMali YaMakhanda nokulanda labo abasala emajele na?
Bekungaba kuhle ukuba uquqaba olwakhele lesi sifundazwe, njengezifundiswa nosomabhizinisi badlale eyabo indima ebonakalayo ukusiza izizukulwane ezizayo, ukuze zikuqondisise kahle ukuthi kusho ukuthini ukubiza lesi sifundazwe ngokuthi kuse "KINGDOM OF THE ZULU".
NKONZWENHLE MQADI
(OnguMbhali, uMcwaningi kanye noMhlaziyi wezindaba zePolitiki)
ETHEKWINI
KUYETHUSA, kuyenyanyisa futhi kulichilo ukuba abezindaba kanye nosopolitiki babange omkhulu umsindo uma sekukhulume umlomo ongathethi manga, iSilo samaBandla Onke kulesi sifundazwe uNdabezitha Goodwill Zwelithini kaDinuZulu ngokuqanjwa kabusha kwesifundazwe kweliKaMthaniya kube yiKwaZulu.
Mhlawumbe sikhona isidingo sokuba emva kokwedlula kweminyaka elishumi izwe laseNi-ngizimu ne-Afrika lathola uHulumeni wentando yeningi, imiphakathi eyakhele nesizukulwane esizayo kulesi sifundisiwe ukuba kebachazelwe kabusha ngemvelaphi yegama KwaZulu-Natal.
IZulu eliPhezulu liyihlabe esikhonkosini ukuphakamisa ikuba sethiwe kabusha lesi sifundazwe futhi sibizwe ngegama vele esasaziwa ngalo kungakafiki aMaqadasi nezinjongo zawo zoku-cindezela abakhele leli zwe ngokwepolitiki, ezomnotho kanye nokushiya insila yokucindezeleka ingaphelile ngokomqondo kwabamnyama.
Ngaphambi kokungena esiphakamisweni seSilo, ngithatha leli thuba ukukhumbuza bonke abakhele lesi sifundazwe, ikakhulukazi wonke amaZulu akhonze KwaKhethomthandayo ukuthi njalo uma ukhulunywa izindaba ezithinta iSilo naseNdlunkulu, ikakhulukazi njengesabelo sezi-tiali KwiSishayamthetho, ngisho okungenadosi kuyatinyela.
Muva nje abezindaba basibikele ukuthi ongumholi weqembu labeLungu KwiSishayamthetho uMnuz Roger Burrows ukuhlabe wakuhlikiza ukwakhiwa koMthetho-sisekelo wesiifundazwe oqhakambisa amandla eSilo njengomuntu obhekele bonke abakhele lesi sifudazwe.
Zolo lokhu ongumholi weqembu lamaNdiya kwiSishayamthetho uMnuz Amichand Raj-
bansi uphakamise okuyimpicabadala lapho ethi zonke izizwe ezakhele lesi sifundazwe, kungaba. yiwo amaNdiya, amaBhunu noma amaKhaladi kufanele abe nawawo amakhosi kulesi sikhathi samanje ngoba ethi ziningi lezi zimali ezifuqelwa ehhovisi elibhekene nezindaba zeSilo naseNdlunkulu.
Ubhejane phume'siqiwini ukuphakamisile ukubhekisisa ukuqanjwa kwalesi sifundazwe KwiSithangami ebesidingida Impi Yemali YamaKhanda eye-nzeka kulesi sifundazwe emi-nyakeni elikhulu eyedlule (1906), lapho bekuhlangene khona uDkt Jacob Zuma, oSoMlando, AmaKhosi akhele lesi sifundazwe, izifundiswa kanye nabo bonke ababambe iqhaza ekwakheni kabusha umlando walesi sifundazwe futhi bonke bebeze ngamaxhama abo noma lawo adlalwa ngokhokho babo ekulwisaneni noKhandaPondo bangaleso sikhathi.
Ingqikithi yesithangami bekungukubhekisisa kabusha igama elethiwa ngabelungu kule mpi ethathwa njengeyaba namahlandla aqavile ekuhlanganiseni zonke izizwe ezimnyama ezakhele izwe laseNingizimu ne-Afrika, ngemuva kokuba amaNgisi namaBhunu (1899-19-02) eselwile, ehlulana ase exolelana ukuze akwazi ukubambisana ekucindezeleni abantu abamnyama kuleli zwe.
Bonke abebehambele lesi sithangami bavumelene ngokuthi ukubiza Impi Yemali Yama-khanda ngeBHAMBATHA REBELLION ayibaniki abaMnyama isithunzi kanye nesigqi esifanele le mpi ngoba phela, phecelezi, ngesiLungu 'to rebel' wukuphuma ecaleni udlove nje okungenamqondo, kanti lempi yabe ihlelwe ngesinono futhi bonke ababeyibambile njengoBhambatha Zondi, Sgananda Shezi, Mehlokazulu Ngobese, angesale ngaphandle noChakijana, ngoba babebambisene kakhulu nobukhosi baKwaZulu bangaleso sikhathi.
Nabo ubukhosi baKwaNxamalala eNkandla badlala enkulu indima kule mpi, njengoba sikhuluma nje maningi amathambo amadoda akulesisifundazwe alele ehlathini phakathi eNkandla.
Abafundi kufane bakuqondisise ukuthi Inkosi uDinuzulu iboshwa nje idingiswe, idunguzele ize ikhothame epulazini KwaThengisanga (Middelburg), yingenxa yokuthi inkosikazi kaBhambatha uSiyekisiwe yabanjwa yaboshwa eMahlabathini, yase iyaziqeketha izindaba kubeLungu ukuthi
yona nezingane zayo babecashiswe oSuthu yinkosi uDinuzulu.
Ukuphakanyiswa kwe"Kwa Zulu" njengegama okuzoqanjwa ngalo lesi sifundazwe kabusha kuba ngenkulu inselelo kwizakhamuzi ezakhele lesi sifundazwe.
Kungabe njengoba sigubha ikhulu leminyaka ngeMpi Yemali Yamakhanda senza ngokuyikho yini ukuthi ngisho bona abacubunguli ngokuqanjwa kabusha kwamagama ezindawo kulesi sifundazwe kube ngezinye izinhlanga na?
Kungabe idolobha elikhulu kulesi sifundazwe "DURBAN"laqambeka ngokuyikho yini ngoba phela idolobha eliyokomkhulu-mbuso kulelizwe "PRETORIA" lesulwa njengoba selaziwa ngeTSHWANE nje?
Kungabe lesi sifundazwe senza ngakho yini ukwenza imikhuba ehambisana nokulanda abafela ehlathini eNkandla ngesikhathi seMpi yeMali YaMakhanda nokulanda labo abasala emajele na?
Bekungaba kuhle ukuba uquqaba olwakhele lesi sifundazwe, njengezifundiswa nosomabhizinisi badlale eyabo indima ebonakalayo ukusiza izizukulwane ezizayo, ukuze zikuqondisise kahle ukuthi kusho ukuthini ukubiza lesi sifundazwe ngokuthi kuse "KINGDOM OF THE ZULU".
NKONZWENHLE MQADI
(OnguMbhali, uMcwaningi kanye noMhlaziyi wezindaba zePolitiki)
ETHEKWINI
EMPLOYMENT EQUITY BILL REQUIRES A ........
INDEPENDENT-ON-SATURDAY 17 October 1998
TRANSFORMATION has become a buzzword in our contemporary democracy. The question which then arises is: how do we transform a heterogeneous country like South Africa without fanning the flames of racial prejudice?
This noble process is characterised by considerable debate and discussion as various views are put forward regarding the achievement of a truer democracy.
How will the Employment Equity Bill help towards transforming our society by eliminating apartheid's legacy of inequality?
Both the supporters and the vocal detractors of the new Bill merit some audience.
To the previously disadvantaged communities, the Bill is seen as the most comprehensive anti-discriminatory piece of legislation in our new-found democracy.
It is the relevant practical framework to redress past discrimination in the work-place.
Liberal
To the opponents of the Bill, who are our very own liberal comrades, they condemn it as the reintroduction of the very draconian principles of the National Party government's apartheid and racial favouritism. But the fundamental questions raised by the Bill are very straight-forward.
Should the Government invoke racially-biased legislation and policy formulation in
"Employmen Equity Bill requires a longer view
Far from being inimical to democracy, the Employment Equity Bill seeks to promote equality at the work-place, argues NKONZO MQADI
favour of disadvantaged groups in order to heal the social and economic wounds of the past?
Does the Government need to threaten punitive measures to accelerate black advancement?
In South Africa's unique democracy, much must be focused on the State's democratisation.
Does transformation equal democracy?
Race-based legislation would prove very contentious. Racial divide is at the very root of economic inertia in South Africa. Two major race groups in South Africa are on a collision course.
The formal job market sector continues to be dominated by those who benefited the most under apartheid.
Nevertheless, it is in meir interest to join the struggle to eliminate the prevailing imbalances.
On the other hand, proponents of this Bill are convinced that it seeks to give those who were oppressed during the apartheid era opportunities of which they were deprived earlier. The Verwoerdian-style image of largely white males in cushy jobs and black people doing menial labour is still embedded in the workplace.
How does the Government go about with the so-called "levelling of the playing fields"?
Shortage
Quite a pathetic position is advanced by Dr Anthea Jeffrey of the South African lnstitute of Race Relations who argues that'"there is evidence that the most important constraint on black advancement is not race prejudice, but the shortage of black people with the necessary skills and experience".
Why were black people under-developed? Is it true that many whites benefited from job reservation under the Colour Bar Act?
Let che black-led ANC Government champion the bread-and-butter issues of the poorer of the poor. The Government must serve to uplift the social and economic conditions of the disadvantaged black people.
The anti-apartheid struggle for freedom were very much about access to socio-economic opportunities.
We must stop clouding the Bill in political rhetoric and emotive statements. We must look at the Bill in terms of South Africa's long-term economic prospects, not in terms of the delicate state of race relations.
Notwithstanding foreign investments, the Government of the day must stop the appeasement policy to the "captains of industry".
Mr Godfrey Ohphant, ANC MP and chairman of the Parliament Portfolio Committee on Labour, sums it up like this: "You cannot redress past injustices if you deny history The Bill, therefore, recognises groups in order to provide an effective framework to, among other things, de-racialiset our society "
As we attempt to redress the inequalities so prevalent in our wonderful Rainbow Nation, the Bill's detractors will tell you that the best way to address the apartheid legacy is to train and educate people to take up their rightful place in the economy
No advocate of equity other than Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, sums up this debate on transformation better: "If the real problem we face - of ending the legacy of the past - persists, it will not be because we are cursed with the gift of diversity".
Nkonzo Mqadi is a University of Durban-Westville political science graduate and is presently doing his second year LLB degree at that university.
TRANSFORMATION has become a buzzword in our contemporary democracy. The question which then arises is: how do we transform a heterogeneous country like South Africa without fanning the flames of racial prejudice?
This noble process is characterised by considerable debate and discussion as various views are put forward regarding the achievement of a truer democracy.
How will the Employment Equity Bill help towards transforming our society by eliminating apartheid's legacy of inequality?
Both the supporters and the vocal detractors of the new Bill merit some audience.
To the previously disadvantaged communities, the Bill is seen as the most comprehensive anti-discriminatory piece of legislation in our new-found democracy.
It is the relevant practical framework to redress past discrimination in the work-place.
Liberal
To the opponents of the Bill, who are our very own liberal comrades, they condemn it as the reintroduction of the very draconian principles of the National Party government's apartheid and racial favouritism. But the fundamental questions raised by the Bill are very straight-forward.
Should the Government invoke racially-biased legislation and policy formulation in
"Employmen Equity Bill requires a longer view
Far from being inimical to democracy, the Employment Equity Bill seeks to promote equality at the work-place, argues NKONZO MQADI
favour of disadvantaged groups in order to heal the social and economic wounds of the past?
Does the Government need to threaten punitive measures to accelerate black advancement?
In South Africa's unique democracy, much must be focused on the State's democratisation.
Does transformation equal democracy?
Race-based legislation would prove very contentious. Racial divide is at the very root of economic inertia in South Africa. Two major race groups in South Africa are on a collision course.
The formal job market sector continues to be dominated by those who benefited the most under apartheid.
Nevertheless, it is in meir interest to join the struggle to eliminate the prevailing imbalances.
On the other hand, proponents of this Bill are convinced that it seeks to give those who were oppressed during the apartheid era opportunities of which they were deprived earlier. The Verwoerdian-style image of largely white males in cushy jobs and black people doing menial labour is still embedded in the workplace.
How does the Government go about with the so-called "levelling of the playing fields"?
Shortage
Quite a pathetic position is advanced by Dr Anthea Jeffrey of the South African lnstitute of Race Relations who argues that'"there is evidence that the most important constraint on black advancement is not race prejudice, but the shortage of black people with the necessary skills and experience".
Why were black people under-developed? Is it true that many whites benefited from job reservation under the Colour Bar Act?
Let che black-led ANC Government champion the bread-and-butter issues of the poorer of the poor. The Government must serve to uplift the social and economic conditions of the disadvantaged black people.
The anti-apartheid struggle for freedom were very much about access to socio-economic opportunities.
We must stop clouding the Bill in political rhetoric and emotive statements. We must look at the Bill in terms of South Africa's long-term economic prospects, not in terms of the delicate state of race relations.
Notwithstanding foreign investments, the Government of the day must stop the appeasement policy to the "captains of industry".
Mr Godfrey Ohphant, ANC MP and chairman of the Parliament Portfolio Committee on Labour, sums it up like this: "You cannot redress past injustices if you deny history The Bill, therefore, recognises groups in order to provide an effective framework to, among other things, de-racialiset our society "
As we attempt to redress the inequalities so prevalent in our wonderful Rainbow Nation, the Bill's detractors will tell you that the best way to address the apartheid legacy is to train and educate people to take up their rightful place in the economy
No advocate of equity other than Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, sums up this debate on transformation better: "If the real problem we face - of ending the legacy of the past - persists, it will not be because we are cursed with the gift of diversity".
Nkonzo Mqadi is a University of Durban-Westville political science graduate and is presently doing his second year LLB degree at that university.
STUDENTS MUST LEARN TO HELP THEMSELVES
INDEPENDENT-ON-SATURDAY 24 April 1999
Would it not be a wonderful exercise, with the University ofDurban-Westville (UDW) pioneering it, for historically black institutions' student presentative councils (SRCs) to embark on a student fund-raising drive in the private sector?
Quite frankly one could not argue for a student fund-raising drive without any deeper and well-informed analysis of problems prevalent in historically black institutions (HBIs).
As a vocal student in the student governance structures, I cannot but understand it better.
Having been a student at the University of Durban-Westville for some time, it really pains one that each year one will be part of the student population at loggerheads with university authorities.
The previously underfunded institutions' student protests about fees as this does not only disrupt the academic programme but further tarnish the image of the institutions to potential private sector funders and the outside world.
It becomes even worse when such protest is characterised by intimidation of other segments of the student population and vandalism of property.
As each one of us is a partner in education, what role do students have to play through their respective SRCs?
Through the Tertiary ducation Fund of South Africa (TEFSA), the government has partially played its role, parents with their meagre salaries have taken s all the way to tertiary level.
We, as students, must stop lamenting the country's high
"Students must learn to help themselves. Poor students at tertiary institutions should be innovative in their search for solutions", suggests NKONZO MQADI
unemployment rate affecting our parents.
As a gesture of goodwill, let us meet our parents, the Government and university authorities half way.
Would it not be good to put into place a networking process with the outside world for our tertiary fund-raising?
While most people would agree with the institutions of higher learning that they could not afford to register students free of charge, what measures are being taken by the student population to ensure that fees are paid?
Students seem to be re-active in their approach towards addressing the question of tertiary education funding. The State funding through TEFSA has its own shortcoming because it only caters for academically successful students, who have some form of income at home.
To develop every aspect of students' need, our SRCs must convince all stakeholders in education that despite the odds militating against the attainment of higher education, the youth is very much committed to education.
SRCs as responsible leaders should go an extra mile in catering for the people who voted them into office. As future leaders of this country, SRCs must stop laying the blame with the Government and tertiary institutions' authorities.
In this representative democracy students, students as a vibrant constituency, should mandate the respective SRCs to galvanise all forces towards students' total development.
As a principle, HBIs' SRCs should adopt a programme of action which statels that, as we enter the next millennium, there will be no more academic disruptions pertaining to financial exclusions at the institutions.
It should be clear to every student that university authorities are the least interested in the personal development of the poor black student.
Let us, as a collective, push our intransigent management into a corner.
To realise this, SRCs have to act in concert with the respective convocations. Through the various bodies that fall under their auspices, SRCs must be used for fund-raising purposes. Through these, students could establish fheir own self-help projects. HBIs' SRCs should start by organising dinners and/or balls at least three times a year, inviting prominent speakers to deliver speeches about topical events.
Preferably, such speakers should be alma-maters of that institution.Tickets for such balls must be sold to the individuals as well as to corporations, with proceeds going to the SRCs' funds.
As a classic example, UDW, in particular, has its graduates occupying strategic positions in Government institutions and conglomerates.
UDW can invite Cabinet Ministers such as Mr Vali Moosa, Mr Jay Naidoo, Constitutional Court Judge Zac Yacoob, ANC Youth League president Mr Malusi Gigaba, National Youth Commission chairperson Miss Mahlengi Bhengu - the list of eminent people from this campus is endless.
SRCs need to remind these role models about the idea behind the fund-raising exercise. No appearance fees should be charged - it must come from the goodness of their hearts, giving back to the university community that contributed to what they are today.
University communities, you will bear my ignorance of the Universities Act. One does not agitate that SRCs must act ultra vires in bypassing the institutions' public affairs departments, whose specific function is to market the institutions to the outside world.
If students are committed to the paramount objective of acquiring a proper education without any academic disruptions, these proposals merit some critical digestion. The SRCs and the convocation can take the initiative and reduce the level of conflict at the respective institutions of higher learning.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a political science graduate and a final-year LLB student.
Would it not be a wonderful exercise, with the University ofDurban-Westville (UDW) pioneering it, for historically black institutions' student presentative councils (SRCs) to embark on a student fund-raising drive in the private sector?
Quite frankly one could not argue for a student fund-raising drive without any deeper and well-informed analysis of problems prevalent in historically black institutions (HBIs).
As a vocal student in the student governance structures, I cannot but understand it better.
Having been a student at the University of Durban-Westville for some time, it really pains one that each year one will be part of the student population at loggerheads with university authorities.
The previously underfunded institutions' student protests about fees as this does not only disrupt the academic programme but further tarnish the image of the institutions to potential private sector funders and the outside world.
It becomes even worse when such protest is characterised by intimidation of other segments of the student population and vandalism of property.
As each one of us is a partner in education, what role do students have to play through their respective SRCs?
Through the Tertiary ducation Fund of South Africa (TEFSA), the government has partially played its role, parents with their meagre salaries have taken s all the way to tertiary level.
We, as students, must stop lamenting the country's high
"Students must learn to help themselves. Poor students at tertiary institutions should be innovative in their search for solutions", suggests NKONZO MQADI
unemployment rate affecting our parents.
As a gesture of goodwill, let us meet our parents, the Government and university authorities half way.
Would it not be good to put into place a networking process with the outside world for our tertiary fund-raising?
While most people would agree with the institutions of higher learning that they could not afford to register students free of charge, what measures are being taken by the student population to ensure that fees are paid?
Students seem to be re-active in their approach towards addressing the question of tertiary education funding. The State funding through TEFSA has its own shortcoming because it only caters for academically successful students, who have some form of income at home.
To develop every aspect of students' need, our SRCs must convince all stakeholders in education that despite the odds militating against the attainment of higher education, the youth is very much committed to education.
SRCs as responsible leaders should go an extra mile in catering for the people who voted them into office. As future leaders of this country, SRCs must stop laying the blame with the Government and tertiary institutions' authorities.
In this representative democracy students, students as a vibrant constituency, should mandate the respective SRCs to galvanise all forces towards students' total development.
As a principle, HBIs' SRCs should adopt a programme of action which statels that, as we enter the next millennium, there will be no more academic disruptions pertaining to financial exclusions at the institutions.
It should be clear to every student that university authorities are the least interested in the personal development of the poor black student.
Let us, as a collective, push our intransigent management into a corner.
To realise this, SRCs have to act in concert with the respective convocations. Through the various bodies that fall under their auspices, SRCs must be used for fund-raising purposes. Through these, students could establish fheir own self-help projects. HBIs' SRCs should start by organising dinners and/or balls at least three times a year, inviting prominent speakers to deliver speeches about topical events.
Preferably, such speakers should be alma-maters of that institution.Tickets for such balls must be sold to the individuals as well as to corporations, with proceeds going to the SRCs' funds.
As a classic example, UDW, in particular, has its graduates occupying strategic positions in Government institutions and conglomerates.
UDW can invite Cabinet Ministers such as Mr Vali Moosa, Mr Jay Naidoo, Constitutional Court Judge Zac Yacoob, ANC Youth League president Mr Malusi Gigaba, National Youth Commission chairperson Miss Mahlengi Bhengu - the list of eminent people from this campus is endless.
SRCs need to remind these role models about the idea behind the fund-raising exercise. No appearance fees should be charged - it must come from the goodness of their hearts, giving back to the university community that contributed to what they are today.
University communities, you will bear my ignorance of the Universities Act. One does not agitate that SRCs must act ultra vires in bypassing the institutions' public affairs departments, whose specific function is to market the institutions to the outside world.
If students are committed to the paramount objective of acquiring a proper education without any academic disruptions, these proposals merit some critical digestion. The SRCs and the convocation can take the initiative and reduce the level of conflict at the respective institutions of higher learning.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a political science graduate and a final-year LLB student.
KUHLE UKUBA KHONA KWAMAQEMBU APHIKISAYO EPHALAMENDE
SISIKA KWELIJIKAYO NGOMSOMBULUKO ISOLEZWE August 19, 2002
ESIKHATHINI esingaphansi konyaka kusukela kule nyanga ikhomishana kaDokotela Frederick van zyl Slabbert izokhipha izincomo zohlelo nenqubo entsha yokuvota kuleli zwe ezoqala ukusebenza ngo-2004. Ngemuva kokhetho olwedlule lwango-1999 ngabe kukhona yini amaqembu kanye nabavoti abakufundile kule minyaka edlulile na?
Ezweni elibuswa ngentando yeningi njengeNingizimu Afrika lapho kunamaqembu alinganiselwa emashumini amabili avame ukukhankasela ukhetho, kuyajabhisa ukuthi kuneqembu elilodwa lezepolitiki elikwazi ukudla umhlanganiso okhethweni ngokwedlulele, okubizwa nge two-thirds majority.
Ngisho zona izincomo zekhomishana kaVan Zyi Slabbert azizukwenza mehluko uma amaqembu asephalamende engaphumi ngokuzinikela ayozidayisa emphakathini ukuze kube yiwo alwela ukubusa emiphakathini yaknleli zwe.
Ubuhle bukahulumani wentando yeningi wukuthi ngisho lona iqembu eiibusayo liyazi ukuthi kunezimbangi ezilibhekile kukho korfke elikwenzayo
futhi okwenza lihlale libusa ngokuyikho. Phela amaqembu aphikisayo namanye asephalamende analo ilungelo lokubaketula ababusayo okhethweni olulandelayo uma zingafezwanga izethembiso. Isibonelo nje lapha KwaZulu-Natal ngemuva komshikashika ngodaba lwendawo eyodwa yokuhlala kwephalamende, kuze kwasiza umholi weqembu elingabusi esifundazweni ophakamise uMgungundlovu, njengendawo
yesiShayamthetho. Nempela ngemuva kwevoti uMsunduzi ugcine udle umhlanganiso.
Kubantu akade vele bengadingi ukuba izindaba zabo zidingidwe oLundi ngezizathu ezehlukene lwasho lukhulu lelo voti. Lokhu kukhombisa amandla iqembu eliphikasayo elinawo kuhulumeni wentando
yeningi. Zolo lokhu sonke sizibonele inkantolo yoMthethosisekelo ihlalele ukulalela le mpicabadala yomthetho wokublubuka kwamalungu ephalamemende futhi angalahlekelwa yizihlalo zawo.
Nakuba amajaji engakasikhiphi isinqumo esingujuqu kulolu daba, kodwa sesivelile isithombe sokuthi osopolitiki bahlose ukuhlubukela eqenjini elilodwa okuyilo elibusayo.
baholi abaqavile njengoMntwana Mangosuthu Buthelezi ohola iNkatha Freedom Party sebezwakalise ukukhononda ngokuba khona kweqembu elikhulu, elineningi ngokuvelele ephalamende. Phela yonke imithetho yasephalamende iqale idingidwe, ivotelwe ngobuningi beqembu ephalamende bese-ke iyaphasiswa.
Amaqembu angenalo iningi ephalamende ayohlala njalo ekhala ngaphansi ngokwevoti.
Uma ngabe wonke amaqembu ezepolitiki abesebenze ngokuyikho okhethweni olwedlule kungabe akukho lapho abaholi bekhala khona ngokuthi iqembu eiibusayo liphasisa imithetho engalungile ngoba ligabe ngokuthi vele uma sewuvotelwa umthetho lowo lizodla umhlanganiso ngoba limelwe ngokuvelele ngamalungu ephalamende. Uma amaqembu epolitiki ewenza ngokuyikho umsebenzi wokukhankasela ukhetho leli zwe lingagcina linohulumeni omelwe ngokulinganayo obusa ngokuhlanganyela. Lokho kungasiza ukuba yonke inqubo yokubusa iphathwe ngamaqembu amabili noma ngaphezulu ngokulinganayo.
Ngisho sekuphasiswe uhlobo olusha futhi olwehlukile kulolu olukhona njengamanje uma labo sopolitiki bengakazimiseli ukwenza okwehlukile kunokwenziwa yiqembu eiibusayo akukhombisi ukuthi kuzoba noshintsho kwipolitiki yakuleli zwe.
Iphalamende elikhulu eKapa kuke kwasuka lumzukuzuku omkhulu ngodaba lokuthengwa kwezikhali zezwe. Umholi wesifazane weqembu elingabusi iPan Africanist Congress uPatricia de Lilie, wavumbulula ukuthi kukhona okushaya amanzi ekusetshenzisweni kwezimali kulolu daba.
Kuyimanje abanye abaholi abaqavile beqembu lezepolitiki njengowayenguSotswebhu uTony Yengeni baphoqeleka ukushiya ezikhundleni futhbabhekene namacala omgunyatni ezinkantolo. Phezu kwakko konke lokhu abantu abaningi ezweni bakhononda ngokuthi uhulumeni obusayo awenzi lutho futhi awubanakile, bafa nsukuzonke bejuqwa ngumashayabhuqe wengculazi. Phela usizo lokwelapha abantu abampofu kulesi sifo lusezandieni zenqubomgomo yeqembu eiibusayo.
Ngikhulumisana nemiphakathi ezindaweni zasemakhaya, imiphakathi idinga kulungiswe udaba lokubambisana kwamakhosi endabuko abawakhele kanye namakhansela omasipala abawavotela. Uma sekukhona uhlelo lokubambisana olubonakalayo kulezi zinhlaka zokubusa, intuthuko namathuba emisebenzi ngeke aphazanyiswe ngokuthi wubani onelungelo lokuthuthukisa lezi zindawo.
Njengoba leli zwe lingene shi emshikashikeni wokushintsha isimo sokuphila umuntu nomuntu, wonke amaqembu ezepolitiki uma eseqala umshikashika (wokukhankasela ukhetho) wokuzicijela ukubusa leli zwe kufanele azinikele ukuvotelwa ukubusa, hhayi ukubalwa namaqembu asePhalamende nje.
ESIKHATHINI esingaphansi konyaka kusukela kule nyanga ikhomishana kaDokotela Frederick van zyl Slabbert izokhipha izincomo zohlelo nenqubo entsha yokuvota kuleli zwe ezoqala ukusebenza ngo-2004. Ngemuva kokhetho olwedlule lwango-1999 ngabe kukhona yini amaqembu kanye nabavoti abakufundile kule minyaka edlulile na?
Ezweni elibuswa ngentando yeningi njengeNingizimu Afrika lapho kunamaqembu alinganiselwa emashumini amabili avame ukukhankasela ukhetho, kuyajabhisa ukuthi kuneqembu elilodwa lezepolitiki elikwazi ukudla umhlanganiso okhethweni ngokwedlulele, okubizwa nge two-thirds majority.
Ngisho zona izincomo zekhomishana kaVan Zyi Slabbert azizukwenza mehluko uma amaqembu asephalamende engaphumi ngokuzinikela ayozidayisa emphakathini ukuze kube yiwo alwela ukubusa emiphakathini yaknleli zwe.
Ubuhle bukahulumani wentando yeningi wukuthi ngisho lona iqembu eiibusayo liyazi ukuthi kunezimbangi ezilibhekile kukho korfke elikwenzayo
futhi okwenza lihlale libusa ngokuyikho. Phela amaqembu aphikisayo namanye asephalamende analo ilungelo lokubaketula ababusayo okhethweni olulandelayo uma zingafezwanga izethembiso. Isibonelo nje lapha KwaZulu-Natal ngemuva komshikashika ngodaba lwendawo eyodwa yokuhlala kwephalamende, kuze kwasiza umholi weqembu elingabusi esifundazweni ophakamise uMgungundlovu, njengendawo
yesiShayamthetho. Nempela ngemuva kwevoti uMsunduzi ugcine udle umhlanganiso.
Kubantu akade vele bengadingi ukuba izindaba zabo zidingidwe oLundi ngezizathu ezehlukene lwasho lukhulu lelo voti. Lokhu kukhombisa amandla iqembu eliphikasayo elinawo kuhulumeni wentando
yeningi. Zolo lokhu sonke sizibonele inkantolo yoMthethosisekelo ihlalele ukulalela le mpicabadala yomthetho wokublubuka kwamalungu ephalamemende futhi angalahlekelwa yizihlalo zawo.
Nakuba amajaji engakasikhiphi isinqumo esingujuqu kulolu daba, kodwa sesivelile isithombe sokuthi osopolitiki bahlose ukuhlubukela eqenjini elilodwa okuyilo elibusayo.
baholi abaqavile njengoMntwana Mangosuthu Buthelezi ohola iNkatha Freedom Party sebezwakalise ukukhononda ngokuba khona kweqembu elikhulu, elineningi ngokuvelele ephalamende. Phela yonke imithetho yasephalamende iqale idingidwe, ivotelwe ngobuningi beqembu ephalamende bese-ke iyaphasiswa.
Amaqembu angenalo iningi ephalamende ayohlala njalo ekhala ngaphansi ngokwevoti.
Uma ngabe wonke amaqembu ezepolitiki abesebenze ngokuyikho okhethweni olwedlule kungabe akukho lapho abaholi bekhala khona ngokuthi iqembu eiibusayo liphasisa imithetho engalungile ngoba ligabe ngokuthi vele uma sewuvotelwa umthetho lowo lizodla umhlanganiso ngoba limelwe ngokuvelele ngamalungu ephalamende. Uma amaqembu epolitiki ewenza ngokuyikho umsebenzi wokukhankasela ukhetho leli zwe lingagcina linohulumeni omelwe ngokulinganayo obusa ngokuhlanganyela. Lokho kungasiza ukuba yonke inqubo yokubusa iphathwe ngamaqembu amabili noma ngaphezulu ngokulinganayo.
Ngisho sekuphasiswe uhlobo olusha futhi olwehlukile kulolu olukhona njengamanje uma labo sopolitiki bengakazimiseli ukwenza okwehlukile kunokwenziwa yiqembu eiibusayo akukhombisi ukuthi kuzoba noshintsho kwipolitiki yakuleli zwe.
Iphalamende elikhulu eKapa kuke kwasuka lumzukuzuku omkhulu ngodaba lokuthengwa kwezikhali zezwe. Umholi wesifazane weqembu elingabusi iPan Africanist Congress uPatricia de Lilie, wavumbulula ukuthi kukhona okushaya amanzi ekusetshenzisweni kwezimali kulolu daba.
Kuyimanje abanye abaholi abaqavile beqembu lezepolitiki njengowayenguSotswebhu uTony Yengeni baphoqeleka ukushiya ezikhundleni futhbabhekene namacala omgunyatni ezinkantolo. Phezu kwakko konke lokhu abantu abaningi ezweni bakhononda ngokuthi uhulumeni obusayo awenzi lutho futhi awubanakile, bafa nsukuzonke bejuqwa ngumashayabhuqe wengculazi. Phela usizo lokwelapha abantu abampofu kulesi sifo lusezandieni zenqubomgomo yeqembu eiibusayo.
Ngikhulumisana nemiphakathi ezindaweni zasemakhaya, imiphakathi idinga kulungiswe udaba lokubambisana kwamakhosi endabuko abawakhele kanye namakhansela omasipala abawavotela. Uma sekukhona uhlelo lokubambisana olubonakalayo kulezi zinhlaka zokubusa, intuthuko namathuba emisebenzi ngeke aphazanyiswe ngokuthi wubani onelungelo lokuthuthukisa lezi zindawo.
Njengoba leli zwe lingene shi emshikashikeni wokushintsha isimo sokuphila umuntu nomuntu, wonke amaqembu ezepolitiki uma eseqala umshikashika (wokukhankasela ukhetho) wokuzicijela ukubusa leli zwe kufanele azinikele ukuvotelwa ukubusa, hhayi ukubalwa namaqembu asePhalamende nje.
A MULTI-SECTORAL KZN FRONT TO TACKLE GLOBAL RECESSION
KwaZulu-Natal roleplayers in government, private sector, labour front, academics and the wider civil society have committed themselves during an economic recovery and job development summit and agreed to partner each other in the formation of the KwaZulu-Natal Economic Development Advisory Council (KZNEDAC),says MEC for Economic Development and Tourism.
Michael Mabuyakhulu said this at the close of the two-day summit held at Sibaya Casino, Ballito over the weekend. He conceeded that in the wake of the negative impact felt in the province due to the global economic crisis, it became imperative that an all-embracing intervention was initiated.to
"We've embarked on a new social partnership, and we want to make a humble contribution that will help South Africa tackle the global economic recession and speed up our economic recovery.
KZN government leaders, influential business people, labour movement leaders, academics and the civil society activists were brought together to table their views as we define our own economic recovery.
Every stakeholder in the province contributed in the two-day Economic Recovery and Jobs Development summit" outlined Mabuyakhulu.
From KZN Premier Dr Zweli Mkhize, eThekwini Mayor Obed Mlaba, SA's Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Durban Chamber of Business President Clive Manci, Tourism KZN CEO Ndabo Khoza, Business Unity South Africa CEO Jerry Vilakazi, to Cosatu KZN Secretary Zet Luzipho, and may more eminent persons reached consensus on the establishment of the KZNEDAC.
"We do not have a choice, we need a strong social cohesion more than ever because of the negative impact of the global credit crisis whereby the lower income groups and the poor are the hardest hit.
Through this summit we show a committment to change and to turn the crisis into an opportunity, we know it is now business unussual and we have to do things and start to prioritize people's development" said DCC's Manci.
eThekwini Mayor Obed Mlaba reminded the delegates of the world-renowned Marshal Plan which Germany and Japan had adopted to resuscitate their economy recovery plans after the second World War, and he argued that South Africa do not only need to stimulate her economy as a response to the global financial meltdown but must structure her economic policies on a long-term growth path.
And Cosatu's Zet Luzipho commended the formation of the KZNEDAC highly by saying labour views will now be tabled and heard more clearly in KZN as it will give them a proper platform 'to air serious shopfloor challenges that were faced by ordinary workers daily during the global economic recession'.
Michael Mabuyakhulu said this at the close of the two-day summit held at Sibaya Casino, Ballito over the weekend. He conceeded that in the wake of the negative impact felt in the province due to the global economic crisis, it became imperative that an all-embracing intervention was initiated.to
"We've embarked on a new social partnership, and we want to make a humble contribution that will help South Africa tackle the global economic recession and speed up our economic recovery.
KZN government leaders, influential business people, labour movement leaders, academics and the civil society activists were brought together to table their views as we define our own economic recovery.
Every stakeholder in the province contributed in the two-day Economic Recovery and Jobs Development summit" outlined Mabuyakhulu.
From KZN Premier Dr Zweli Mkhize, eThekwini Mayor Obed Mlaba, SA's Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Durban Chamber of Business President Clive Manci, Tourism KZN CEO Ndabo Khoza, Business Unity South Africa CEO Jerry Vilakazi, to Cosatu KZN Secretary Zet Luzipho, and may more eminent persons reached consensus on the establishment of the KZNEDAC.
"We do not have a choice, we need a strong social cohesion more than ever because of the negative impact of the global credit crisis whereby the lower income groups and the poor are the hardest hit.
Through this summit we show a committment to change and to turn the crisis into an opportunity, we know it is now business unussual and we have to do things and start to prioritize people's development" said DCC's Manci.
eThekwini Mayor Obed Mlaba reminded the delegates of the world-renowned Marshal Plan which Germany and Japan had adopted to resuscitate their economy recovery plans after the second World War, and he argued that South Africa do not only need to stimulate her economy as a response to the global financial meltdown but must structure her economic policies on a long-term growth path.
And Cosatu's Zet Luzipho commended the formation of the KZNEDAC highly by saying labour views will now be tabled and heard more clearly in KZN as it will give them a proper platform 'to air serious shopfloor challenges that were faced by ordinary workers daily during the global economic recession'.
Monday, August 10, 2009
MARRIED MEN LIVE LONGER THAN SINGLE MEN,BUT .......
"Married men live longer than single men, but, married men are a lot more willing to die" once remarked an anonymous writer.
One is tempted to touch on this subject over this weekend as we all celebrate the beauty, honour and dignity that our African women have exhibited for the entire global village to witness during the second millenium.
However, a pertinent question arises whether be they young, old or mature have the members of 'fairer sex' truly found happiness in their personal lives?
One eminent scholar wrote "No Woman-especially one who's succesful and independent- wants to be thought/seen of as desperate for love.
But, if you're 30 years and over, and have a graveyard of failed relationships behind you, you should by now understand; 'Love isn't Easy' ".
'LadyFriends', you're implored to read "Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man" by Steve Harvey.
Harvey's advise is the following: 'only get involved with a man with the qualities you are looking for, suss out his intentions with vigorous, but subtle, interrogation before falling in love, wait at least 90 days before sleeping with him; and when you are comfortable with the fact that he can handle your cherups and is doing the three 'Ps' (i.e Protecting, Providing and Professing) marry him.
On page 201, Harvey gives a trick to every single woman about how to get that "Will you M...?"
It is not to ask him to marry you {Men are hunters and they like the chase}. You first need to tell him what he must do with you once he's caught you".
Harvey also got tips for the 'Woman who has it all' ; the drop-top BMW X5, Ferrari,Cayenne, the BEE tenders, the expensive jewelery and the proud tenant of that upmarket bond in the leafy surburb but goes to an empty home alone daily.
"You are not alone because men are afraid of your independence and wealth. You're alone because you do not know how to act like a well-nurtured girl" he cautions.
Latsly, but not least, there's also that life-enhancing book penned by Dr Connel Cowan and Dr Melvyn Kinder which outlines the man's behaviour in relationships.
Fellow sisters, or rather single women, page through the timeless "Women Men Love, Women Men Leave" whereby one submits it will benefit all those women that spend tremendous amount of their precious time over-analysing the 'man-in-love' motives, or say 'their hidden agenda' if ever one exists.
One is tempted to touch on this subject over this weekend as we all celebrate the beauty, honour and dignity that our African women have exhibited for the entire global village to witness during the second millenium.
However, a pertinent question arises whether be they young, old or mature have the members of 'fairer sex' truly found happiness in their personal lives?
One eminent scholar wrote "No Woman-especially one who's succesful and independent- wants to be thought/seen of as desperate for love.
But, if you're 30 years and over, and have a graveyard of failed relationships behind you, you should by now understand; 'Love isn't Easy' ".
'LadyFriends', you're implored to read "Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man" by Steve Harvey.
Harvey's advise is the following: 'only get involved with a man with the qualities you are looking for, suss out his intentions with vigorous, but subtle, interrogation before falling in love, wait at least 90 days before sleeping with him; and when you are comfortable with the fact that he can handle your cherups and is doing the three 'Ps' (i.e Protecting, Providing and Professing) marry him.
On page 201, Harvey gives a trick to every single woman about how to get that "Will you M...?"
It is not to ask him to marry you {Men are hunters and they like the chase}. You first need to tell him what he must do with you once he's caught you".
Harvey also got tips for the 'Woman who has it all' ; the drop-top BMW X5, Ferrari,Cayenne, the BEE tenders, the expensive jewelery and the proud tenant of that upmarket bond in the leafy surburb but goes to an empty home alone daily.
"You are not alone because men are afraid of your independence and wealth. You're alone because you do not know how to act like a well-nurtured girl" he cautions.
Latsly, but not least, there's also that life-enhancing book penned by Dr Connel Cowan and Dr Melvyn Kinder which outlines the man's behaviour in relationships.
Fellow sisters, or rather single women, page through the timeless "Women Men Love, Women Men Leave" whereby one submits it will benefit all those women that spend tremendous amount of their precious time over-analysing the 'man-in-love' motives, or say 'their hidden agenda' if ever one exists.
AMAKHOSI & CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY IN SA
DAILY NEWS, 23 October 2000
AMAKHOSI: THE MODERN AND TRADITIONAL MUST COMBINE
S0 simple and so basic is purpose of this argument that its very first quote must serve as a warning about ubukhosi from our north. During the reconstruction and constitutional development of Zambia, Mr Kenneth Kaunda had this to say: "My support for chiefs is well known, and I reaffirm that it will be the intention of my government to uphold the position of chiefs in our country and to consult them and seek their advice on all matters affecting their people and themselves."
Before delving deeper into my argument, I deem it fit to declare my credentials at this stage. This will help illuminate the rationale that one can owe allegiance to traditional principles, values, etc, yet not be construed as a conservative.
I regard myself at heart as a truly modern-day democrat.
Having personally made written comments to the Draft Discussion Document towards a White Paper on Traditional Leadership, it really pains me to witness that the Government is again on a collision course with hundreds of KwaZulu-Natal amakhosi over the coming local government elections.
This scenario follows the demarcation of boundaries by the Municipal Demarcation Board. There is even talk that people in rural/traditional areas will not participate in the local government elections at the end of the year.
While one can never espouse the idea that the chiefs should mount a massive show of force nationwide as a means of pressuring the Government to give amakhosi more powers, our Bill of Rights as citizens looks threatened.
Having had time to study the Government's response to the submissions by traditional leaders on their roles, powers and functions signed by the president on August 28, this subject becomes quite mind-boggling.
ONE WOULD have dismissed this democratically-elected Government as doing exactly what the colonial and apartheid regimes did to traditional leaders, reducing the amakhosi to ordinary people.
Surprisingly to my understanding, the opposite is true. The Government proposals state categorically that traditional leaders will, in line with the relevant law, continue to discharge the authority currently vested in them.
The principles of co-operative governance will continue to guide the role of traditional leaders in matters of governance and ensure
[Photo]
"The existing consttutionalframework that . provides for a dual system of the retention of traditional leadership is the best innovation of our hard-won democracy"
that they are accorded an appropriate role within the inter-governmental relations structures.
It is precisely at this juncture that the Government Communications and Information System (GCIS) should be discharging its mandate as the Government communications agency.
The causes of uncertainty conflict and polarisation around the local government elections in rural areas, which touches on the delimitation of wards and where traditional authority areas have been sub divided, must be placed entirely at the door of the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB).
FAIR ENOUGH, the Government proposals leave an option for the MDB to reassess the situation.
The White Paper, as an on-going process, must not remove ubukhosi (chieftaincy) from where it historically and structurally resides.
This viewpoint has prompted Inkosi Mwelo Nonkonyana, in Contralesa's presentation, to reiterate that, contrary to popular belief, traditional leadership was and still is the most democratic institution forming a solid foundation for stability in all traditional communities.
As we chart the way forth as tried and tested democrats, we must not lose sight in trying to remedy the distortions allocated to traditional leaders by colonial and apartheid eras. We must address the challenges facing the rural communities in terms of social communalism in the shared ownership of land.
The traditional system of government is quite compatible with the extension of a constitutional democracy to the rural communities.
Contemporary constitutional developments dictate democratically-elected government representatives in governance, and yet our African democracy militates for a transformed traditional ruling system.
As I have pointed cut in the past, traditional leaders and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus, rather than the actual decision-makers.
The wider civil society needs education about the simultaneous role to be played by both traditional leaders and the elected local councillors.
For any meaningful development to take place in rural areas, it is imperative that the Government embarks on a training programme to provide leadership or managerial skills to the amakhosi.
The existing constitutional framework that provides for a dual system of the retention of tradi-tional leadership, while at the same time allowing local communities to elect their public representatives, is the best innovation of our hard-won democracy
□ Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a KwaZulu-Natal provincial administrator for the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa and writes in his personal capacity.
-------------------------------------------&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&-----------------------
DAILY NEWS ,21 June 2000
[Photo] NO DEMOCRACY WITHOUT OUR AFRICAN ROOTS
It is essential that traditional leadership becomes part of the overall formula of development in our country, writes Nkonzo Mqadi.
IN HIS clairvoyant article, "Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model", Dankwat A Rustow questioned the conflation of the primary causes and sustaining conditions of democracy and democratisation.
With South Africa's "so-called 1994 miracle" now approaching a decade down the line, is anyone really committed to the consolidation of our democracy?
Are the factors that initiated our democratisation the same as those that maintain a democracy once established.
My somewhat different curiosity about our democracy stems from the scholarly debate by thinkers from Locke to Tocqueville, up to the fevered brain of Jean Jacques Rousseau, as they give devergent answers about the consolidation of democracy Nearly all the authors ask the same sort of question and support their answers with the same sort of evidence. What conditions'make democracy possible and what conditions make it thrive? The question is not how a democratic system cctaies into existence: rather, it is how'a democracy assumed to be already in existence, can best preserve or enhance its health and stability These eminent thinkers connect stable democracy with certain economic and social background conditions, such as high per capita income, widespread literacy and prevalent urban residence. But in our South African context, I will argue democracy must be combined with a strong local government, particularly in the rural areas falling under amakhosi rule, with a vibrant multiparty system, with a vigorous tradition of civil rights, and with a sustainable culture of the freedom of expression by the government leaders, mass media personnel and the wider civil society.
WITH THE country having taken great strides ha terms of establishing social, economic and civil liberties, through the numerous legislation enacted for the final phase of our consolidation of democracy (ie 2000 municipal local government elections) our democracy should be stable, if not perfect, by now.
Could the amakhosi vs Government quagmire be resolved once and for all? That will help ingrain to every South African, irrespective of their geographical location, a uniform democratic behaviour, thoughts, principles and values for a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it.
As I have pointed out in the past, the traditional leaders and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus, rather than the actual decision-makers.
As a country; the message is sound and clear: we must forget
"We need the best of both worlds and to draw on the royal wisdom and experience that is closely bound to the very communities we hope to transform".
Njongonkulu Ndungane
about any consolidation to a fully-matured democracy, for there can be no African democracy which is not structured in our indigenous African roots.
The South African political leadership will always bear gratitude in their handling of our ongoing transition to democracy u Having acknowledged the tragedy and horrors of the black-on-black conflict, our leadership must realise that the country requires a visible and constant co-operation between the previously warring factions.
The South African civic society is" very committed to developing a truly modern and yet truly African state. We need to mix modernity with our traditions, and recognise the role which each can bring to the consolidation of our democracy Having argued authoritatively before, ubukhosi (chieftaincy) must not be removed from where it historically and structurally resides. The primary and dominant location and fount of traditional Africa is the African"village, the rural areas or the countryside.
ONE SCHOLAR, WEB du Bois, identified the African village as one of Africa's precious gifts to humanity I quote: "In the African village we bred religion, industry, government, education and art, and these were bred as integral inter-related things"
(WEB du Bois, The WEB du Bois Reader, 1966, p. 649).
Other civilisations boast of precious knowledge and culture that developed in the cities. But in the continent, all these gifts were moulded and developed in the African village.
The major challenge to the political leadership is now to revitalise and turn such civilisation and culture into a springboard for new development and growth.
Royalty and elected leaders should be working together against the many challenges facing our people. In rural areas, this is the mighty challenge before traditional leaders.
Contrary to the threats of halting material service delivery to their communities, our democracy demands a strong local government throughout South Africa.
It is essential that traditional leadership becomes part of the overall formula of development in our country.
The principles of cooperative governance must continue to guide the role of traditional leaders, so as to avoid their clashing with those of the newly-established municipalities.
Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane recently warned our political leadership: "... as we embrace the best Eurocentric systems of government, we are in dire danger of ignoring our own proud heritage.We need the best of both worlds and to draw on the royal wisdom and experience that is closely bound to the very communities we hope to transform."
These rumblings about the role of the traditional leaders must be put clearly into perceptive. The existing constitutional framework that provides for a dual system of the retention of traditional leadership working hand-in-hand with elected councillors, is the',best innovation of our hard-won democracy.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance journalist. [Photo]
----------------------------------&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&-------------------------------
DAILY NEWS, 04 September 2000
DON'T STRIP AMAKHOSI OF TOO MANY POWERS
It is vital that the role of traditional leaders in local government is retained as part of the contemporary constitutional democratic framework, argues Nkonzo Mqadi.
WE MUST restructure the framework of government for traditional leaders and local, elected government to develop a harmonious working relationship.
Traditional leadership raises issues that reflect the social complexities of South Africa: the existence of different nations, a plurality of systems, a plurality of models of societal organisation, the diversity in land tenure systems, etc.
The Municipal Demarcation Board has touched on the sensitive issue of land. Traditional issues are central to traditional leadership. It is also central to the cultural and social equilibria of the new South Africa.
The shared ownership of land is the basis of social communalism, the culture of Uburtu and the sense of social solidarity.
Traditional leadership, as the earliest form of societal organisation, represents the institution of government in Africa, and the world at large.
In contemporary politics, how can this concept be compatible to our so-called "African Democracy"?
As we unravel the role and relationship between traditional, leaders and elected local government, we must not forget that there are laws that established a system of local government that placed traditional leaders at the centre of a bureaucratic system of governance. There must be an open, consultative and accessible arena for participation at grassroots level.
Draft discussion towards the White Paper's proposal of a co-operative model of rural local government, whereby elected local government representatives in areas falling under traditional leadership act in concert with the traditional leaders, must be viewed as the best method of constitutional democracy.
Focus is needed on the developmental need of communities through self-government, the training of the elected local government representatives and the re-orientation or workshopping of amakhosi to be fully conversant with the new democratic order.
There is a need for the creation of a code that will allow the conduct of the previously antagonistic structures to work for the total good.
AS A PEOPLE, we must address the improvement of service delivery with a specific focus on areas where no services have been established, with direct involvement of communities in the decision-making process at local level.
This could be realised through a third-tier level of governance. The Municipal Structures Act categorically states that the delimitation of wards must guard against the fragmentation of rural communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board argues that there was broad consultation around the demarcation and the restructuring process, at grassroots level amakhosi feel the Government is stripping them of virtually all their powers.
From time immemorial, traditional rule was the most democratic rule in Africa. In rural areas the supreme governing body was, and still is, a gathering of the community in a forum known as an imbizo.
During these gatherings, the community discussed all matters pertaining to their well-being under the chairmanship of an inkosi. Traditional leadership's administrative capacity as an engine of governance is seen during the allocation of land. A standard procedure is followed (people point out the land they want, they are referred to an induna, the induna convenes a public meeting of all residents of feat particular ward or locality There the person introduces him or herself and is given the plot to utilise for his/her benefit. The induna then brings fee person to the inkosi for approval).
In defining the locality of traditional leadership, fee White Paper must not remove the ubukhosi (chieftainship) from where it historically and structurally resides.
TRADITIONAL LEADERS and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus rather than fee actual decision-makers. The wider civil society needs education about fee simultaneous role to be played by both traditional leaders and elected local councillors.
For any meaningful development to take place in rural areas, it is imperative that the Government embarks on training programmes to provide leadership or managerial skills. We must guard against building a uniform grand society shaped in fee Westernised fashion.
We need to create a formula of a truly modern, yet truly African, state. The role and functions of statutory bodies representing traditional leaders in advising fee Government on matters affecting traditional leadership, traditional communities and customary law must not be radically changed, but must be brought in line with the prevailing political scene. As local government takes some powers from traditional leadership, fee White Paper must ascertain feat amakhosi do not feel threatened.
As custodians of their people, amakhosi are entrusted wife fee duty of looking at fee welfare of fee people, by providing land, protection, and acting as a conflict-resolution mechanism among their subjects. When a rural development budget is worked out, the local, elected government, amakhosi and the council of elders must sit and engage in fee process. Traditional leadership and elected local councillors must be part and parcel-of fee whole exercise.
This new model of co-operative governance must be structured in a manner in which councillors and amakhosi do not feel threatened.
It is my view that a traditional leader is an integral part of fee community and, as such, can never be wished away. It is physically impossible to separate fee inkosi from the people. A traditional leader is the leader of fee people and should, at all times act in consultation with his/her subjects, the people.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is writing in his personal capacity as a stakeholder in South Africa's constitutional development.
-----------------------------------""""""""------------------------------------------
AMAKHOSI: THE MODERN AND TRADITIONAL MUST COMBINE
S0 simple and so basic is purpose of this argument that its very first quote must serve as a warning about ubukhosi from our north. During the reconstruction and constitutional development of Zambia, Mr Kenneth Kaunda had this to say: "My support for chiefs is well known, and I reaffirm that it will be the intention of my government to uphold the position of chiefs in our country and to consult them and seek their advice on all matters affecting their people and themselves."
Before delving deeper into my argument, I deem it fit to declare my credentials at this stage. This will help illuminate the rationale that one can owe allegiance to traditional principles, values, etc, yet not be construed as a conservative.
I regard myself at heart as a truly modern-day democrat.
Having personally made written comments to the Draft Discussion Document towards a White Paper on Traditional Leadership, it really pains me to witness that the Government is again on a collision course with hundreds of KwaZulu-Natal amakhosi over the coming local government elections.
This scenario follows the demarcation of boundaries by the Municipal Demarcation Board. There is even talk that people in rural/traditional areas will not participate in the local government elections at the end of the year.
While one can never espouse the idea that the chiefs should mount a massive show of force nationwide as a means of pressuring the Government to give amakhosi more powers, our Bill of Rights as citizens looks threatened.
Having had time to study the Government's response to the submissions by traditional leaders on their roles, powers and functions signed by the president on August 28, this subject becomes quite mind-boggling.
ONE WOULD have dismissed this democratically-elected Government as doing exactly what the colonial and apartheid regimes did to traditional leaders, reducing the amakhosi to ordinary people.
Surprisingly to my understanding, the opposite is true. The Government proposals state categorically that traditional leaders will, in line with the relevant law, continue to discharge the authority currently vested in them.
The principles of co-operative governance will continue to guide the role of traditional leaders in matters of governance and ensure
[Photo]
"The existing consttutionalframework that . provides for a dual system of the retention of traditional leadership is the best innovation of our hard-won democracy"
that they are accorded an appropriate role within the inter-governmental relations structures.
It is precisely at this juncture that the Government Communications and Information System (GCIS) should be discharging its mandate as the Government communications agency.
The causes of uncertainty conflict and polarisation around the local government elections in rural areas, which touches on the delimitation of wards and where traditional authority areas have been sub divided, must be placed entirely at the door of the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB).
FAIR ENOUGH, the Government proposals leave an option for the MDB to reassess the situation.
The White Paper, as an on-going process, must not remove ubukhosi (chieftaincy) from where it historically and structurally resides.
This viewpoint has prompted Inkosi Mwelo Nonkonyana, in Contralesa's presentation, to reiterate that, contrary to popular belief, traditional leadership was and still is the most democratic institution forming a solid foundation for stability in all traditional communities.
As we chart the way forth as tried and tested democrats, we must not lose sight in trying to remedy the distortions allocated to traditional leaders by colonial and apartheid eras. We must address the challenges facing the rural communities in terms of social communalism in the shared ownership of land.
The traditional system of government is quite compatible with the extension of a constitutional democracy to the rural communities.
Contemporary constitutional developments dictate democratically-elected government representatives in governance, and yet our African democracy militates for a transformed traditional ruling system.
As I have pointed cut in the past, traditional leaders and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus, rather than the actual decision-makers.
The wider civil society needs education about the simultaneous role to be played by both traditional leaders and the elected local councillors.
For any meaningful development to take place in rural areas, it is imperative that the Government embarks on a training programme to provide leadership or managerial skills to the amakhosi.
The existing constitutional framework that provides for a dual system of the retention of tradi-tional leadership, while at the same time allowing local communities to elect their public representatives, is the best innovation of our hard-won democracy
□ Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a KwaZulu-Natal provincial administrator for the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa and writes in his personal capacity.
-------------------------------------------&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&-----------------------
DAILY NEWS ,21 June 2000
[Photo] NO DEMOCRACY WITHOUT OUR AFRICAN ROOTS
It is essential that traditional leadership becomes part of the overall formula of development in our country, writes Nkonzo Mqadi.
IN HIS clairvoyant article, "Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model", Dankwat A Rustow questioned the conflation of the primary causes and sustaining conditions of democracy and democratisation.
With South Africa's "so-called 1994 miracle" now approaching a decade down the line, is anyone really committed to the consolidation of our democracy?
Are the factors that initiated our democratisation the same as those that maintain a democracy once established.
My somewhat different curiosity about our democracy stems from the scholarly debate by thinkers from Locke to Tocqueville, up to the fevered brain of Jean Jacques Rousseau, as they give devergent answers about the consolidation of democracy Nearly all the authors ask the same sort of question and support their answers with the same sort of evidence. What conditions'make democracy possible and what conditions make it thrive? The question is not how a democratic system cctaies into existence: rather, it is how'a democracy assumed to be already in existence, can best preserve or enhance its health and stability These eminent thinkers connect stable democracy with certain economic and social background conditions, such as high per capita income, widespread literacy and prevalent urban residence. But in our South African context, I will argue democracy must be combined with a strong local government, particularly in the rural areas falling under amakhosi rule, with a vibrant multiparty system, with a vigorous tradition of civil rights, and with a sustainable culture of the freedom of expression by the government leaders, mass media personnel and the wider civil society.
WITH THE country having taken great strides ha terms of establishing social, economic and civil liberties, through the numerous legislation enacted for the final phase of our consolidation of democracy (ie 2000 municipal local government elections) our democracy should be stable, if not perfect, by now.
Could the amakhosi vs Government quagmire be resolved once and for all? That will help ingrain to every South African, irrespective of their geographical location, a uniform democratic behaviour, thoughts, principles and values for a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it.
As I have pointed out in the past, the traditional leaders and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus, rather than the actual decision-makers.
As a country; the message is sound and clear: we must forget
"We need the best of both worlds and to draw on the royal wisdom and experience that is closely bound to the very communities we hope to transform".
Njongonkulu Ndungane
about any consolidation to a fully-matured democracy, for there can be no African democracy which is not structured in our indigenous African roots.
The South African political leadership will always bear gratitude in their handling of our ongoing transition to democracy u Having acknowledged the tragedy and horrors of the black-on-black conflict, our leadership must realise that the country requires a visible and constant co-operation between the previously warring factions.
The South African civic society is" very committed to developing a truly modern and yet truly African state. We need to mix modernity with our traditions, and recognise the role which each can bring to the consolidation of our democracy Having argued authoritatively before, ubukhosi (chieftaincy) must not be removed from where it historically and structurally resides. The primary and dominant location and fount of traditional Africa is the African"village, the rural areas or the countryside.
ONE SCHOLAR, WEB du Bois, identified the African village as one of Africa's precious gifts to humanity I quote: "In the African village we bred religion, industry, government, education and art, and these were bred as integral inter-related things"
(WEB du Bois, The WEB du Bois Reader, 1966, p. 649).
Other civilisations boast of precious knowledge and culture that developed in the cities. But in the continent, all these gifts were moulded and developed in the African village.
The major challenge to the political leadership is now to revitalise and turn such civilisation and culture into a springboard for new development and growth.
Royalty and elected leaders should be working together against the many challenges facing our people. In rural areas, this is the mighty challenge before traditional leaders.
Contrary to the threats of halting material service delivery to their communities, our democracy demands a strong local government throughout South Africa.
It is essential that traditional leadership becomes part of the overall formula of development in our country.
The principles of cooperative governance must continue to guide the role of traditional leaders, so as to avoid their clashing with those of the newly-established municipalities.
Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane recently warned our political leadership: "... as we embrace the best Eurocentric systems of government, we are in dire danger of ignoring our own proud heritage.We need the best of both worlds and to draw on the royal wisdom and experience that is closely bound to the very communities we hope to transform."
These rumblings about the role of the traditional leaders must be put clearly into perceptive. The existing constitutional framework that provides for a dual system of the retention of traditional leadership working hand-in-hand with elected councillors, is the',best innovation of our hard-won democracy.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance journalist. [Photo]
----------------------------------&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&-------------------------------
DAILY NEWS, 04 September 2000
DON'T STRIP AMAKHOSI OF TOO MANY POWERS
It is vital that the role of traditional leaders in local government is retained as part of the contemporary constitutional democratic framework, argues Nkonzo Mqadi.
WE MUST restructure the framework of government for traditional leaders and local, elected government to develop a harmonious working relationship.
Traditional leadership raises issues that reflect the social complexities of South Africa: the existence of different nations, a plurality of systems, a plurality of models of societal organisation, the diversity in land tenure systems, etc.
The Municipal Demarcation Board has touched on the sensitive issue of land. Traditional issues are central to traditional leadership. It is also central to the cultural and social equilibria of the new South Africa.
The shared ownership of land is the basis of social communalism, the culture of Uburtu and the sense of social solidarity.
Traditional leadership, as the earliest form of societal organisation, represents the institution of government in Africa, and the world at large.
In contemporary politics, how can this concept be compatible to our so-called "African Democracy"?
As we unravel the role and relationship between traditional, leaders and elected local government, we must not forget that there are laws that established a system of local government that placed traditional leaders at the centre of a bureaucratic system of governance. There must be an open, consultative and accessible arena for participation at grassroots level.
Draft discussion towards the White Paper's proposal of a co-operative model of rural local government, whereby elected local government representatives in areas falling under traditional leadership act in concert with the traditional leaders, must be viewed as the best method of constitutional democracy.
Focus is needed on the developmental need of communities through self-government, the training of the elected local government representatives and the re-orientation or workshopping of amakhosi to be fully conversant with the new democratic order.
There is a need for the creation of a code that will allow the conduct of the previously antagonistic structures to work for the total good.
AS A PEOPLE, we must address the improvement of service delivery with a specific focus on areas where no services have been established, with direct involvement of communities in the decision-making process at local level.
This could be realised through a third-tier level of governance. The Municipal Structures Act categorically states that the delimitation of wards must guard against the fragmentation of rural communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board argues that there was broad consultation around the demarcation and the restructuring process, at grassroots level amakhosi feel the Government is stripping them of virtually all their powers.
From time immemorial, traditional rule was the most democratic rule in Africa. In rural areas the supreme governing body was, and still is, a gathering of the community in a forum known as an imbizo.
During these gatherings, the community discussed all matters pertaining to their well-being under the chairmanship of an inkosi. Traditional leadership's administrative capacity as an engine of governance is seen during the allocation of land. A standard procedure is followed (people point out the land they want, they are referred to an induna, the induna convenes a public meeting of all residents of feat particular ward or locality There the person introduces him or herself and is given the plot to utilise for his/her benefit. The induna then brings fee person to the inkosi for approval).
In defining the locality of traditional leadership, fee White Paper must not remove the ubukhosi (chieftainship) from where it historically and structurally resides.
TRADITIONAL LEADERS and their councils of elders are regarded as catalysts of community consensus rather than fee actual decision-makers. The wider civil society needs education about fee simultaneous role to be played by both traditional leaders and elected local councillors.
For any meaningful development to take place in rural areas, it is imperative that the Government embarks on training programmes to provide leadership or managerial skills. We must guard against building a uniform grand society shaped in fee Westernised fashion.
We need to create a formula of a truly modern, yet truly African, state. The role and functions of statutory bodies representing traditional leaders in advising fee Government on matters affecting traditional leadership, traditional communities and customary law must not be radically changed, but must be brought in line with the prevailing political scene. As local government takes some powers from traditional leadership, fee White Paper must ascertain feat amakhosi do not feel threatened.
As custodians of their people, amakhosi are entrusted wife fee duty of looking at fee welfare of fee people, by providing land, protection, and acting as a conflict-resolution mechanism among their subjects. When a rural development budget is worked out, the local, elected government, amakhosi and the council of elders must sit and engage in fee process. Traditional leadership and elected local councillors must be part and parcel-of fee whole exercise.
This new model of co-operative governance must be structured in a manner in which councillors and amakhosi do not feel threatened.
It is my view that a traditional leader is an integral part of fee community and, as such, can never be wished away. It is physically impossible to separate fee inkosi from the people. A traditional leader is the leader of fee people and should, at all times act in consultation with his/her subjects, the people.
Mr Nkonzo Mqadi is writing in his personal capacity as a stakeholder in South Africa's constitutional development.
-----------------------------------""""""""------------------------------------------
Friday, August 7, 2009
PRESIDENT ZUMA LAUNCHES A NEW EDUCATION RENEWAL EXERCISE
All the succesful nations in the world have invested handsomely in education to ensure their long-term and sustainable progress, says the President of South Africa.
President Jacob Zuma echoed these sentiments during the 'President's National Interaction with School Principals' summit held at the Durban's International Convention Centre on Friday.
Zuma had brought a full house as he was leading a powerful delegation that comprised of the Minister in the Presidency Collins Chabane, Minister for Higher Education Dr Bonginkosi Nzimande, Minister of Basic Education Angie Motshekga and Deputy Minister of Basic Education Enver Surty.
Zuma highlighted that his government education portfolio heads were gathered in Durban 'to share the common goal of promoting quality education' as he launched, what he termed, 'an ongoing interaction with the key delivery agents as part of the education renewal exercise'.
"We want to underline the fact that education is an apex priority of this government. Today, we're launching a new drive to truly change learning, teaching and management of our schools.
Oour meeting is an acknowledgement that our wonderful policies that were implemented since 1994 have failed to deliver quality education to all the peoples of South Africa" said Zuma.
This schools principal interface with the country's president flows from the undertaking Zuma had made during his State of the Nation address in May 2009, whereby he had alluded to the fact that he would like to meet school principals in line with the ANC 2007 Polokwane resolutions 'to share our vision on the revival of our education system'.
"The new South African administration has created the right foundation to launch this new renewal and change attitudes since 1994.
We today pledge our support and will create a partnership with our principals to ensure an undivided implementation of the education non-negotiables.
Our teachers must teach for seven hours every school day, teachers should be in class, on time, teaching, with no neglect of duty and no abuse of pupils' cautioned Zuma.
Minister of Basic Education Angie Motshekga noted that there was great excitement throughout the teaching & learning fraternity to have a Head of State that was very passionate about education and its transformational imperatives.
"Our principals are the most important partners in the educational renewal campaign and the international studies show that the school manager is the biggest driver of the better educational outcomes" said Motshekga.
And the KwaZulu-Natal Premier Dr Zweli Mkhize also called upon the school principals to play a pivotal role in using their educational tools to transform the education sector and the country as a whole.
President Jacob Zuma echoed these sentiments during the 'President's National Interaction with School Principals' summit held at the Durban's International Convention Centre on Friday.
Zuma had brought a full house as he was leading a powerful delegation that comprised of the Minister in the Presidency Collins Chabane, Minister for Higher Education Dr Bonginkosi Nzimande, Minister of Basic Education Angie Motshekga and Deputy Minister of Basic Education Enver Surty.
Zuma highlighted that his government education portfolio heads were gathered in Durban 'to share the common goal of promoting quality education' as he launched, what he termed, 'an ongoing interaction with the key delivery agents as part of the education renewal exercise'.
"We want to underline the fact that education is an apex priority of this government. Today, we're launching a new drive to truly change learning, teaching and management of our schools.
Oour meeting is an acknowledgement that our wonderful policies that were implemented since 1994 have failed to deliver quality education to all the peoples of South Africa" said Zuma.
This schools principal interface with the country's president flows from the undertaking Zuma had made during his State of the Nation address in May 2009, whereby he had alluded to the fact that he would like to meet school principals in line with the ANC 2007 Polokwane resolutions 'to share our vision on the revival of our education system'.
"The new South African administration has created the right foundation to launch this new renewal and change attitudes since 1994.
We today pledge our support and will create a partnership with our principals to ensure an undivided implementation of the education non-negotiables.
Our teachers must teach for seven hours every school day, teachers should be in class, on time, teaching, with no neglect of duty and no abuse of pupils' cautioned Zuma.
Minister of Basic Education Angie Motshekga noted that there was great excitement throughout the teaching & learning fraternity to have a Head of State that was very passionate about education and its transformational imperatives.
"Our principals are the most important partners in the educational renewal campaign and the international studies show that the school manager is the biggest driver of the better educational outcomes" said Motshekga.
And the KwaZulu-Natal Premier Dr Zweli Mkhize also called upon the school principals to play a pivotal role in using their educational tools to transform the education sector and the country as a whole.
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
AUGUST IS SERVICE DELIVERY MONTH AT KWADUKUZA
KwaDukuza Municipality executive committe has identified the Women's Month as part of their campaign to find ways to optimize the impact of government's service delivery by paying attention to the core functions as enshrined in Chapter 7 of the South African Constitution.
These sentiments were echoed by Mayor Thulani Khuluse during the launch of the 'Service Delivery Month Initiative' at KwaDukuza Library, Stanger, on Tuesday morning.
"KwaDukuza Municipality will during the Women's Month embark on a focussed campaign to address service delivery backlogs in all our wards.
We are guided by our own mandatory Customer Satisfaction Survey, together with the comments and submissions made by the public during the Mayoral Izimbizo and we've resolved to address the need to impose the public confidence in our system of governance" explained Khuluse.
Our Heads of Departments, he said, have a responsibility to revitalise the Customer Complaint System in line with the Batho Pele principles and attend to concerns to the customer (our residents) satisfaction.
"The Electrical Engineering Services department will undertake a number of activities, including street lightning, replacement of faulty traffic lights and the cleaning and replacement of kiosks.
And the Civil Engineering Services will engage in the rennovation of the municipal buildings, cleaning of the railway bridge, road maintanance and the excavation and laying of the storm water pipes in different wards.
It must be noted that KwaDukuza Municipality was worst hit in February 28, 2009 when it suffered a national catastrophe of heavy floods that caused damage worth millions of rands to physical infrastructure, such as houses and playing fields.
Municipal Manager Mduduzi Zungu also added that they have drawn a longterm process that will focus on empowering their learners on career opportunities in the tourism field and the promotion of agriculture to fight against poverty.
"We are implementing various community gardens in Doringkop, Darnall and Shayamoya in partnership with the Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs.
We also aim to create some 960 contract jobs for our youth development programme that shall evolve around the young people" said Zungu.
Opposition party ward 6 councillor Ann McDonnell from the Democratic Alliance endorsed the launch of the Service Delivery Month Initiative, however she sounded a warning that the municipality should not squeze in a single month programmes that should be implemented throughout the full year calendar.
These sentiments were echoed by Mayor Thulani Khuluse during the launch of the 'Service Delivery Month Initiative' at KwaDukuza Library, Stanger, on Tuesday morning.
"KwaDukuza Municipality will during the Women's Month embark on a focussed campaign to address service delivery backlogs in all our wards.
We are guided by our own mandatory Customer Satisfaction Survey, together with the comments and submissions made by the public during the Mayoral Izimbizo and we've resolved to address the need to impose the public confidence in our system of governance" explained Khuluse.
Our Heads of Departments, he said, have a responsibility to revitalise the Customer Complaint System in line with the Batho Pele principles and attend to concerns to the customer (our residents) satisfaction.
"The Electrical Engineering Services department will undertake a number of activities, including street lightning, replacement of faulty traffic lights and the cleaning and replacement of kiosks.
And the Civil Engineering Services will engage in the rennovation of the municipal buildings, cleaning of the railway bridge, road maintanance and the excavation and laying of the storm water pipes in different wards.
It must be noted that KwaDukuza Municipality was worst hit in February 28, 2009 when it suffered a national catastrophe of heavy floods that caused damage worth millions of rands to physical infrastructure, such as houses and playing fields.
Municipal Manager Mduduzi Zungu also added that they have drawn a longterm process that will focus on empowering their learners on career opportunities in the tourism field and the promotion of agriculture to fight against poverty.
"We are implementing various community gardens in Doringkop, Darnall and Shayamoya in partnership with the Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs.
We also aim to create some 960 contract jobs for our youth development programme that shall evolve around the young people" said Zungu.
Opposition party ward 6 councillor Ann McDonnell from the Democratic Alliance endorsed the launch of the Service Delivery Month Initiative, however she sounded a warning that the municipality should not squeze in a single month programmes that should be implemented throughout the full year calendar.
Monday, August 3, 2009
EMPLOYMENT EQUITY BILL REQUIRES A LONGER VIEW
THE INDEPENDENT-ON-SATURDAY 17 OCTOBER 1998
TRANSFORMATION has become a buzzword in our contemporary democracy The question which then arises is: how do we transform a heterogeneous country like South Africa without fanning the flames of racial prejudice?
This noble process is characterised by a considerable debate and discussion as various views are put forward regarding the achievement of a truer democracy.
How will the Employment Equity Bill help towards transforming our society by eliminating apartheid's legacy of inequality?
Both the supporters and the vocal detractors of the new Bill merit some audience.
To the previously disadvantaged communities, the Bill is seen as the most comprehensive anti-discriminatory piece of legislation in our new-found democracy.
It is the relevant practical framework to redress past discrimination in the workplace.
Liberal
To the opponents of the Bill, who are our very own liberal comrades, they condemn it as the reintroduction of the very draconian principles of the National Party government's apartheid and racial favouritism.
But the fundamental questions raised by the Bill are very straight-forward.
Should the Government invoke racially-biased legislation and policy formulation in favour of disadvantaged groups to heal the social and economic wounds of the past?
Does the Government need to threaten punitive measures to accelerate black advancement?
In South Africa's unique democracy, much must be focused on the State's democratisation.
Does transformation equal democracy?
Race-based legislation would prove very contentious. Racial divide is at the very root of economic inertia in South Africa.
Two major race groups in South Africa are on a collision course.
The formal job market sector continues to be dominated by those who benefited the most under apartheid.
Nevertheless, it is in meir interest to join the struggle to eliminate the prevailing imbalances.
On the other hand, proponents of this Bill are convinced that it seeks to give those who were oppressed during the apartheid era opportunities of which they were deprived earlier.
The Verwoerdian-style image of largely white males in cushy jobs and black people doing menial labour is still embedded in the workplace.
How does the Government go about with the so-called "levelling of the playing fields"?
Shortage
Quite a pathetic position is advanced by Dr Anthea Jeffrey of the South Africanlnstitute of Race Relations who argues that'"there is evidence that the most important constraint on black advancement is not race prejudice, but the shortage of black people with the necessary skills and experience".
Why were black people under-developed? Is it true that many whites benefited from job reservation under the Colour Bar Act?
Let the black-led ANC Government champion the breadandbutter issues of the poorer oi the poor. The Government must serve to uplift the social and economic conditions of the disadvantaged black people.
The anti-apartheid for freedom were very much about access to socio-economic opportunities.
We must stop clouding the Bill in political rhetoric and emotive statements. We must look at the Bill in terms of South Africa's long-term economic prospects, not in terms of the delicate state of race relations.
Notwithstanding foreign investments, the Government of the day must stop the appeasement policy to the "captains of industry".
Mr Godfrey Ohphant, ANC MP and chairman of the Parliament Portfolio Committee on Labour, sums it up like this: "You cannot redress past injustices if you deny history The Bill, therefore, recognises groups in order to provide an effective framework to, among other things, de-racialiset our society ".
As we attempt to redress the inequalities so prevalent in our wonderful Rainbow Nation, the Bill's detractors will tell you that the best way to address the apartheid legacy is to train and educate people to take up their rightful place in the economy.
No advocate of equity other than Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, sums up this debate on transformation better: "If the real problem we face -of ending the legacy of the past -persists, it will not be because we are cursed with the gift of diversity".
Nkonzo Mqadi is a University of Durban-Westville political science graduate and is presently doing his second year LLB degree at that university.
TRANSFORMATION has become a buzzword in our contemporary democracy The question which then arises is: how do we transform a heterogeneous country like South Africa without fanning the flames of racial prejudice?
This noble process is characterised by a considerable debate and discussion as various views are put forward regarding the achievement of a truer democracy.
How will the Employment Equity Bill help towards transforming our society by eliminating apartheid's legacy of inequality?
Both the supporters and the vocal detractors of the new Bill merit some audience.
To the previously disadvantaged communities, the Bill is seen as the most comprehensive anti-discriminatory piece of legislation in our new-found democracy.
It is the relevant practical framework to redress past discrimination in the workplace.
Liberal
To the opponents of the Bill, who are our very own liberal comrades, they condemn it as the reintroduction of the very draconian principles of the National Party government's apartheid and racial favouritism.
But the fundamental questions raised by the Bill are very straight-forward.
Should the Government invoke racially-biased legislation and policy formulation in favour of disadvantaged groups to heal the social and economic wounds of the past?
Does the Government need to threaten punitive measures to accelerate black advancement?
In South Africa's unique democracy, much must be focused on the State's democratisation.
Does transformation equal democracy?
Race-based legislation would prove very contentious. Racial divide is at the very root of economic inertia in South Africa.
Two major race groups in South Africa are on a collision course.
The formal job market sector continues to be dominated by those who benefited the most under apartheid.
Nevertheless, it is in meir interest to join the struggle to eliminate the prevailing imbalances.
On the other hand, proponents of this Bill are convinced that it seeks to give those who were oppressed during the apartheid era opportunities of which they were deprived earlier.
The Verwoerdian-style image of largely white males in cushy jobs and black people doing menial labour is still embedded in the workplace.
How does the Government go about with the so-called "levelling of the playing fields"?
Shortage
Quite a pathetic position is advanced by Dr Anthea Jeffrey of the South Africanlnstitute of Race Relations who argues that'"there is evidence that the most important constraint on black advancement is not race prejudice, but the shortage of black people with the necessary skills and experience".
Why were black people under-developed? Is it true that many whites benefited from job reservation under the Colour Bar Act?
Let the black-led ANC Government champion the breadandbutter issues of the poorer oi the poor. The Government must serve to uplift the social and economic conditions of the disadvantaged black people.
The anti-apartheid for freedom were very much about access to socio-economic opportunities.
We must stop clouding the Bill in political rhetoric and emotive statements. We must look at the Bill in terms of South Africa's long-term economic prospects, not in terms of the delicate state of race relations.
Notwithstanding foreign investments, the Government of the day must stop the appeasement policy to the "captains of industry".
Mr Godfrey Ohphant, ANC MP and chairman of the Parliament Portfolio Committee on Labour, sums it up like this: "You cannot redress past injustices if you deny history The Bill, therefore, recognises groups in order to provide an effective framework to, among other things, de-racialiset our society ".
As we attempt to redress the inequalities so prevalent in our wonderful Rainbow Nation, the Bill's detractors will tell you that the best way to address the apartheid legacy is to train and educate people to take up their rightful place in the economy.
No advocate of equity other than Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, sums up this debate on transformation better: "If the real problem we face -of ending the legacy of the past -persists, it will not be because we are cursed with the gift of diversity".
Nkonzo Mqadi is a University of Durban-Westville political science graduate and is presently doing his second year LLB degree at that university.
WHY PASS THE FLOOR-CROSSING LEGISLATION NOW?
INDEPENDENT-ON-SATURDAY O8 June 2002
NKONZO MQADI
{Speaker's Corner}
SOUTH Africa's Constitution is regarded as among the best in the world, but some institutions that underpin it are debatable. Parliament has devoted time to lengthy deliberations on a package of legislation, to allow public representatives at all three government tiers to change party allegiance. At present, crossing the floor is iorbidden by the existence of the Anti-Defection clause in the Constitution.
But is the civil society aware that, there's an enactment of the floor-crossing window period that is due to start on June 18 this year? Does the country as this stage of our political development, need to foster far-reaching changes to the 1996 Constitution?
The proposed legislation highlights some fundamental questions to our fledgling democracy. Were it not for the grumblings within the DA, leading to the withdrawal of the NNP and the formation of the alliance between the ANC and the NNP in the Western Cape, our law-makers would not be rushing this legislation.
Commentators argue that allowing members of the legislature to defect brings South Africa in line with other democracies and allows for fluid politics.
ANC chairman Mosiua Lekota is on record as saying the ANC has been discussing the defection clause for some months.
Are the political motives behind these constitutional changes benign or driven by political expediency?
Looking at the fall-out among senior leaders in the Western Cape, crossing the floor in that region makes politics more interesting. But, permitting politicians to change parties would disturb the electoral balance chosen by the electorate.
For some time now, the current form of proportional representation has been under scrutiny.
The purpose ot this Draft BTH is to amend Section 23a of Schedule 2 of the Constitution, in order to enable a member of a legislature to become a member of another party while retaining membership of that legislature.
There are areas of concern where it is felt that this defection legislation could directly impact on issues that are integral to our democracy The greatest area of concern is the constitutionality of the changes to the Constitution.
Since the Constitution is silent on floor crossing at local government level, wouldn't Section 157 of the Constitution, when read together with the Municipal Systems Act, jeopardise the guaranteed fair proportionality in the councils?
The other crucial issue is the possible-effect this law could have on electoral aspects. The proportional representation list system, in tandem with the Anti-Defection Clause, is highly effective for the purposes of party discipline.
As this draft legislation allowing MPs, MPLs and councillors to defect to other parties without losing their seats affects their respective constituencies, have all the stakeholders affected by this proposed legislation been consulted?
Perhaps a move away from a pure proportional based system aided by the defection legislation, could be beneficial to our maturing democracy.
One would propose a constituent-based system with mixed proportional representation. Maybe this would encourage greater accountability to voters because there would be some direct link between the area and an individual MP.
Consequently MPs won't be subject to the kind of party discipline that is found in a pure proportional representation system.
They could cross the floor or vote against their party without risking them seats in parliament.
Whatever the guiding principles, politics could be interesting through the drama of defections. This legislation must not be allowed to become a tool serving short-term political opportunism, but must surpass any short-term benefits made through political expediency.
□ Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance writer
NKONZO MQADI
{Speaker's Corner}
SOUTH Africa's Constitution is regarded as among the best in the world, but some institutions that underpin it are debatable. Parliament has devoted time to lengthy deliberations on a package of legislation, to allow public representatives at all three government tiers to change party allegiance. At present, crossing the floor is iorbidden by the existence of the Anti-Defection clause in the Constitution.
But is the civil society aware that, there's an enactment of the floor-crossing window period that is due to start on June 18 this year? Does the country as this stage of our political development, need to foster far-reaching changes to the 1996 Constitution?
The proposed legislation highlights some fundamental questions to our fledgling democracy. Were it not for the grumblings within the DA, leading to the withdrawal of the NNP and the formation of the alliance between the ANC and the NNP in the Western Cape, our law-makers would not be rushing this legislation.
Commentators argue that allowing members of the legislature to defect brings South Africa in line with other democracies and allows for fluid politics.
ANC chairman Mosiua Lekota is on record as saying the ANC has been discussing the defection clause for some months.
Are the political motives behind these constitutional changes benign or driven by political expediency?
Looking at the fall-out among senior leaders in the Western Cape, crossing the floor in that region makes politics more interesting. But, permitting politicians to change parties would disturb the electoral balance chosen by the electorate.
For some time now, the current form of proportional representation has been under scrutiny.
The purpose ot this Draft BTH is to amend Section 23a of Schedule 2 of the Constitution, in order to enable a member of a legislature to become a member of another party while retaining membership of that legislature.
There are areas of concern where it is felt that this defection legislation could directly impact on issues that are integral to our democracy The greatest area of concern is the constitutionality of the changes to the Constitution.
Since the Constitution is silent on floor crossing at local government level, wouldn't Section 157 of the Constitution, when read together with the Municipal Systems Act, jeopardise the guaranteed fair proportionality in the councils?
The other crucial issue is the possible-effect this law could have on electoral aspects. The proportional representation list system, in tandem with the Anti-Defection Clause, is highly effective for the purposes of party discipline.
As this draft legislation allowing MPs, MPLs and councillors to defect to other parties without losing their seats affects their respective constituencies, have all the stakeholders affected by this proposed legislation been consulted?
Perhaps a move away from a pure proportional based system aided by the defection legislation, could be beneficial to our maturing democracy.
One would propose a constituent-based system with mixed proportional representation. Maybe this would encourage greater accountability to voters because there would be some direct link between the area and an individual MP.
Consequently MPs won't be subject to the kind of party discipline that is found in a pure proportional representation system.
They could cross the floor or vote against their party without risking them seats in parliament.
Whatever the guiding principles, politics could be interesting through the drama of defections. This legislation must not be allowed to become a tool serving short-term political opportunism, but must surpass any short-term benefits made through political expediency.
□ Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance writer
SA GLORIFY THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF ITS WOMENFOLK
INDEPENDENT-ON-SATURDAY 08 August 2002
NKONZO MQADI
{Speaker's Corner}
THIS week South Africa is glorifying the achievements of its womenfolk.
How has the country treated its women, are we advancing their cause?
Who can deny that even the once mighty apartheid regime was shaken with fear by the power possessed by the Imbokodo (women) against any form of discrimination.
Let's reflect on the role played by women during the fight against apartheid and the strides they are making in the post-apartheid era.
In doing so, we must be mindful of the poor rural women, the majority of whom are illiterate and unemployed, yet they bring life to their households. These unsung heroines must be saluted for keeping the home fires burning.
Has South Africa taken any major strides towards addressing gender equality in institutions such as parliament and the corporate world and improving the status of women?
Out of the 490 seats in the national parliament, 136 seats are held by women.
Leading South African woman Naledi Pandor, chairman of the National Council of Provinces, is of the view that the country has done a lot in bringing women into government.
"South Africa has been very successful in attracting women to elected office, we have thus achieved step one," Pandor said while addressing a Women's Empowerment Unit in Durban last year.
From the political domain, in the private sector, education, sport, arts and in the print and electronic media women have made headway and are successful.
To mention a few from this province; Speaker in Parliament Frene Ginwala, Minister of Mineral and Energy Affairs Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Minister of Land Affairs Thoko Msani Didiza, Health Minister Manto Shabalala-Msimang and Deputy Minister of Defence Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge.
The Kwazulu-Natal Local Government Association is in the capable hands of director Makhosi Khoza.
In the Ethekwini Unicity, the Speaker is Nomusa Dube and the Council has Ntokozo Mkhize as its legal advisor.
Khanyi Dhlomo-Mkhize, the editor of True Love, has turned the magazine into one of the most read women's magazines.
Peggy Nkonyeni, the KwaZulu-Natal provincial Women Caucus chairman alludes that there is need for improvement in women representation because there is not a single female minister in the provincial cabinet.
In 1954 a non-racial and non-aligned women's movement, the Federation of South African Women, was formed. This federation brought together women from every segment of society to draw up a women's charter.
Who can dare forget the watershed of August 9, 1956 when Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Suzman, and others congregated outside the Union Building in Pretoria in a protest march.
The slogan "Strydom, wathinta abefazi, wathinta imbokodo," (Strydom you have tampered with the women, you have dislodged a boulder, it will crush you) reverberated and mobilised women throughout the country
As women constitute the majority of the population, their numbers also played a vital role at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) talks.
Every compatriot must honour all those women who ensured that our country has one of the most progressive constitutions in the world.
As South Africa celebrates constitutional democracy, the exploitation of our mothers and sisters, calls for a concerted mobilisation against sexual abuse, harassment, rape, promotion of HIV-Aids awareness, and equal representation.
□ Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance writer.
NKONZO MQADI
{Speaker's Corner}
THIS week South Africa is glorifying the achievements of its womenfolk.
How has the country treated its women, are we advancing their cause?
Who can deny that even the once mighty apartheid regime was shaken with fear by the power possessed by the Imbokodo (women) against any form of discrimination.
Let's reflect on the role played by women during the fight against apartheid and the strides they are making in the post-apartheid era.
In doing so, we must be mindful of the poor rural women, the majority of whom are illiterate and unemployed, yet they bring life to their households. These unsung heroines must be saluted for keeping the home fires burning.
Has South Africa taken any major strides towards addressing gender equality in institutions such as parliament and the corporate world and improving the status of women?
Out of the 490 seats in the national parliament, 136 seats are held by women.
Leading South African woman Naledi Pandor, chairman of the National Council of Provinces, is of the view that the country has done a lot in bringing women into government.
"South Africa has been very successful in attracting women to elected office, we have thus achieved step one," Pandor said while addressing a Women's Empowerment Unit in Durban last year.
From the political domain, in the private sector, education, sport, arts and in the print and electronic media women have made headway and are successful.
To mention a few from this province; Speaker in Parliament Frene Ginwala, Minister of Mineral and Energy Affairs Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Minister of Land Affairs Thoko Msani Didiza, Health Minister Manto Shabalala-Msimang and Deputy Minister of Defence Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge.
The Kwazulu-Natal Local Government Association is in the capable hands of director Makhosi Khoza.
In the Ethekwini Unicity, the Speaker is Nomusa Dube and the Council has Ntokozo Mkhize as its legal advisor.
Khanyi Dhlomo-Mkhize, the editor of True Love, has turned the magazine into one of the most read women's magazines.
Peggy Nkonyeni, the KwaZulu-Natal provincial Women Caucus chairman alludes that there is need for improvement in women representation because there is not a single female minister in the provincial cabinet.
In 1954 a non-racial and non-aligned women's movement, the Federation of South African Women, was formed. This federation brought together women from every segment of society to draw up a women's charter.
Who can dare forget the watershed of August 9, 1956 when Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Suzman, and others congregated outside the Union Building in Pretoria in a protest march.
The slogan "Strydom, wathinta abefazi, wathinta imbokodo," (Strydom you have tampered with the women, you have dislodged a boulder, it will crush you) reverberated and mobilised women throughout the country
As women constitute the majority of the population, their numbers also played a vital role at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) talks.
Every compatriot must honour all those women who ensured that our country has one of the most progressive constitutions in the world.
As South Africa celebrates constitutional democracy, the exploitation of our mothers and sisters, calls for a concerted mobilisation against sexual abuse, harassment, rape, promotion of HIV-Aids awareness, and equal representation.
□ Nkonzo Mqadi is a Durban-based freelance writer.
AKUSEKHO OKUNGAVIMBA UMSHOLOZI
Lala ngoxolo Mandla Ngcobo Ilanga LaseKhaya May 5, 2008
IZINDABA zokudlula emh-labeni komsakazi woKhozi FM, uMandla Ngcobo, zishaqise abaningi. Le nsizwa idlule emhlabeni ngoLwesine olwedlule ngemuva ko-kuphathwa yikhanda elinga-pheli. Sizwelana nodadewabo uGugu abebeyizintandane naye, sithi nathi sonke in the entertainment circles silahlekelwe ngoba uMandla ubengomunye wethu.
Omunye othi ubemazi kakhulu uMandla usithumelele le lenkondlo engezansi:
Kubuhlungu Mandla, but "It's Alright mfanakithi!"
When I received the news I got angry,
When I received the sad news I went beserk,
When it was confirmed, I really got mad.
Why? Because it is a waste!
Angel of death, why are you so cruel?
Angel of life, why are you so careless?
Africans, why must we always loose our best?
Abemisakazo balahlekelwe, it is a waste.
Pho-ke sesingathini ngoba oPhezulu usezigawulele?
Pho-ke sesingathini ngobayindlela yethu sonke?
Kodwa pho, Mandla sewungaveie usishiye mahlayeni nje?
Sizokwenzenjani? Masiyivume le nduku.
Bangaki kulesi sifundazwe abazi iECC ngoMandla?
Bangaki kuleliya tende abahehwa yizintshumayelo
zikaMandla?
Bangaki abazalwane babaphendulwa nguMandla?
Bangaki abalaleli ababengaphuthelwa ekuseni wuhlelo lukaMandla?
Heavenly Father, we salute your choice and decision.
We pray and love you more, we thank you ngoMandla.
Heavenly Father, why hit us with a such a blow?
Through Mandla. you reached us across the globe.
Having him in Durban & PMB radio stations was a blessing.
Having him at the African Beach Soccer qualifiers was memorable
Having him eThekwini Community Church was a Testament.
Rest in Peace Mapholoba,umkhakha wabezindaba ushayekili, uzwile.
It's Alright, what else, but it's a waste!
Kubhale uNkonzwenhle Mqadi
{Omunye kwabekade ehlekisana nabo}
-------------------------------------************************--------------------------------
Akusekh’okungavimba uMsholozi ILanga LangeSonto Nov' 11, 2007
MHLELIIZINGQAPHELI esezimnkantsh'ubomvu kwezepolitiki ku-leli zwe sezikusho kwagcwala umlomo ukuthi akusekho nolunci oselungathiya uMnuz Gedleyihlekisa Mhlanganyelwa Zuma ukuba aqhoqhobale isikhundia sokuhola iqembu likaKhongolose ngemuva kwengqungquthela ezoba seLimpompo ngoDisemba.
Lezi zimvo zabahlaziyi bezombusazwe zihambisana ncamashi nemiphumela yenhlolovo
eyethulelwe umhlaba wonke ngeledlule ngabakwaTNS Research Surveys, lapho kunekelwa umhlaba wonke ukuthi ubaba uJacob Zuma uqengqeleza yedwa ngokuba yintandokazi kuzo zonke izakhamizi zaseNingizimu ne-Afrika, futhi zikusho kugcwale umlomo ukuthi wonke amathemba azo ngoMengameli waleli zwe olandelayo useyophuma kwaNxamalala.
Kanti-ke lezi zazi kwezepolitiki ziphakamisa amaphuzu anothile ngokwenqubomgomo yeqembu likaKhongolose ukuthi yiyo kanye eyisakhiwo-ngqangi esivumela uMsholozi ukudla umhlanganiso wobuMengameli beqembu le-African National Congress.
Sezifanise le ngqungquthela ezayo kaKhongolose njengeyeminyaka yawo-1960 lapho kwabe kukhethwa ubuholi buka-Khongolose kulesi sifundazwe, futhi babebabili abaholi
ababaziwa njengabavelele kulenhlangano ababegaqele isikhundla sobuhooli.
"Kwakuhlanganelwe e-YMCA ku Beatrice Street lapho uKhongolose wavele waziphonsela phakathi kukaMahlath'amnyama uMnuz George Champion nobaba Inkosi Albert Mvumbi Luthuli.
"Kodwa-ke ngenxa yokwaziwa futhi nokusondelana nawo wonke amazinga abantu abampofu kuleli zwe, okaMadlanduna wawudla urnhlanganiso wokuhola uKhongolose, izimbangi zasala zikhexile" kubeka laba bahlaziyi.
Uphenyo olunzulu luyakuveza ukuthi okuyikona okwabhincisela nxanye uMnuz Champion kwabangukuvela kwezindaba zokuthi ngempela-mpela wabe esethenge 'ubuzemtiti', isibongo sakhe sangempela kwabe kunguMhlongo.
Ngokusho kombhali ovelele futhi osemayikayika yizindondo uma ehlaziya ngokuyikho izindaba zepolitiki, uMnuz Mervin William Gumede, akusekho nokuncane okunokuvimbela uMsholozi ekuholeni iqembu likaKhongolose.
"Sekusho zona kanye izakhamizi zakuleli zwe ukuthi zidinga umholi omusha ozohola iqembu likaKhongolose. Zithi zifuna umholi ozophatha ngendlela entsha, ngezinjongo ezintsha futhi ozoqhamuka nenqubo yokuhola eyakhelwe ekubambisaneni ngokuvelele nezokuthatha izinqumo ngokubambisana nozakwabo ekubuseni.
UMnuz Jacob Zuma uyilolohlobo lomholi" kubhala uGumede {The African Report No' 8 Oct-Dec 2007}.
Kodwa-ke, okunguye ovele wakubeka kwacaca bha kube nguSolwazi Sipho Seepe ophawula ngokuthi kungukudukisa izakhamizi zakulelizwe uma sifundekelwa ngombango wesikhundla sobu-M e n g a meli k w i q e m b u likaKhongolose ngoba selokhu labuya ekudingisweni ngo-1990 bekungakaze kube nomdonsiswano noma umbango ngozothatha esobuMengameli beqembu.
"Usuqhamukaphi manje lo msindo uma sekufike isikhathi sikaMsholozi sokuqhoqhobala izintambo zokuhola iqembu likaKhongolose.
Angithi sonke sazibonela ngo-1991 isekela li-kababa Oliver Tambo lithatha ubuholi ngaphandle kokuphazanyiswa, futhi saphinde sazibonela abaholi abaphezulu bakaKhongolose beyicaba in-dlela eyabe ilungiselela uMongameli Thabo Mbeki ukuba angaphikiswa muntu ngo-1997.
Yiwo kanye lowo mlando wangaphakathi kwiqembu likaKhongolose ongaseyukwazi ukushintsha nokuphazamisa uMsholozi ukuba alihole leli qembu akade ayewa evuka nalo" kwasho uSolwazi Seepe ethula inkulumo eyisimnywa se Democratic Professionals of South Africa eThekwini ngonyaka osewusethala.
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi (UMcwaningi noMhlaziyi wezepolitiki) EMLAZI
IZINDABA zokudlula emh-labeni komsakazi woKhozi FM, uMandla Ngcobo, zishaqise abaningi. Le nsizwa idlule emhlabeni ngoLwesine olwedlule ngemuva ko-kuphathwa yikhanda elinga-pheli. Sizwelana nodadewabo uGugu abebeyizintandane naye, sithi nathi sonke in the entertainment circles silahlekelwe ngoba uMandla ubengomunye wethu.
Omunye othi ubemazi kakhulu uMandla usithumelele le lenkondlo engezansi:
Kubuhlungu Mandla, but "It's Alright mfanakithi!"
When I received the news I got angry,
When I received the sad news I went beserk,
When it was confirmed, I really got mad.
Why? Because it is a waste!
Angel of death, why are you so cruel?
Angel of life, why are you so careless?
Africans, why must we always loose our best?
Abemisakazo balahlekelwe, it is a waste.
Pho-ke sesingathini ngoba oPhezulu usezigawulele?
Pho-ke sesingathini ngobayindlela yethu sonke?
Kodwa pho, Mandla sewungaveie usishiye mahlayeni nje?
Sizokwenzenjani? Masiyivume le nduku.
Bangaki kulesi sifundazwe abazi iECC ngoMandla?
Bangaki kuleliya tende abahehwa yizintshumayelo
zikaMandla?
Bangaki abazalwane babaphendulwa nguMandla?
Bangaki abalaleli ababengaphuthelwa ekuseni wuhlelo lukaMandla?
Heavenly Father, we salute your choice and decision.
We pray and love you more, we thank you ngoMandla.
Heavenly Father, why hit us with a such a blow?
Through Mandla. you reached us across the globe.
Having him in Durban & PMB radio stations was a blessing.
Having him at the African Beach Soccer qualifiers was memorable
Having him eThekwini Community Church was a Testament.
Rest in Peace Mapholoba,umkhakha wabezindaba ushayekili, uzwile.
It's Alright, what else, but it's a waste!
Kubhale uNkonzwenhle Mqadi
{Omunye kwabekade ehlekisana nabo}
-------------------------------------************************--------------------------------
Akusekh’okungavimba uMsholozi ILanga LangeSonto Nov' 11, 2007
MHLELIIZINGQAPHELI esezimnkantsh'ubomvu kwezepolitiki ku-leli zwe sezikusho kwagcwala umlomo ukuthi akusekho nolunci oselungathiya uMnuz Gedleyihlekisa Mhlanganyelwa Zuma ukuba aqhoqhobale isikhundia sokuhola iqembu likaKhongolose ngemuva kwengqungquthela ezoba seLimpompo ngoDisemba.
Lezi zimvo zabahlaziyi bezombusazwe zihambisana ncamashi nemiphumela yenhlolovo
eyethulelwe umhlaba wonke ngeledlule ngabakwaTNS Research Surveys, lapho kunekelwa umhlaba wonke ukuthi ubaba uJacob Zuma uqengqeleza yedwa ngokuba yintandokazi kuzo zonke izakhamizi zaseNingizimu ne-Afrika, futhi zikusho kugcwale umlomo ukuthi wonke amathemba azo ngoMengameli waleli zwe olandelayo useyophuma kwaNxamalala.
Kanti-ke lezi zazi kwezepolitiki ziphakamisa amaphuzu anothile ngokwenqubomgomo yeqembu likaKhongolose ukuthi yiyo kanye eyisakhiwo-ngqangi esivumela uMsholozi ukudla umhlanganiso wobuMengameli beqembu le-African National Congress.
Sezifanise le ngqungquthela ezayo kaKhongolose njengeyeminyaka yawo-1960 lapho kwabe kukhethwa ubuholi buka-Khongolose kulesi sifundazwe, futhi babebabili abaholi
ababaziwa njengabavelele kulenhlangano ababegaqele isikhundla sobuhooli.
"Kwakuhlanganelwe e-YMCA ku Beatrice Street lapho uKhongolose wavele waziphonsela phakathi kukaMahlath'amnyama uMnuz George Champion nobaba Inkosi Albert Mvumbi Luthuli.
"Kodwa-ke ngenxa yokwaziwa futhi nokusondelana nawo wonke amazinga abantu abampofu kuleli zwe, okaMadlanduna wawudla urnhlanganiso wokuhola uKhongolose, izimbangi zasala zikhexile" kubeka laba bahlaziyi.
Uphenyo olunzulu luyakuveza ukuthi okuyikona okwabhincisela nxanye uMnuz Champion kwabangukuvela kwezindaba zokuthi ngempela-mpela wabe esethenge 'ubuzemtiti', isibongo sakhe sangempela kwabe kunguMhlongo.
Ngokusho kombhali ovelele futhi osemayikayika yizindondo uma ehlaziya ngokuyikho izindaba zepolitiki, uMnuz Mervin William Gumede, akusekho nokuncane okunokuvimbela uMsholozi ekuholeni iqembu likaKhongolose.
"Sekusho zona kanye izakhamizi zakuleli zwe ukuthi zidinga umholi omusha ozohola iqembu likaKhongolose. Zithi zifuna umholi ozophatha ngendlela entsha, ngezinjongo ezintsha futhi ozoqhamuka nenqubo yokuhola eyakhelwe ekubambisaneni ngokuvelele nezokuthatha izinqumo ngokubambisana nozakwabo ekubuseni.
UMnuz Jacob Zuma uyilolohlobo lomholi" kubhala uGumede {The African Report No' 8 Oct-Dec 2007}.
Kodwa-ke, okunguye ovele wakubeka kwacaca bha kube nguSolwazi Sipho Seepe ophawula ngokuthi kungukudukisa izakhamizi zakulelizwe uma sifundekelwa ngombango wesikhundla sobu-M e n g a meli k w i q e m b u likaKhongolose ngoba selokhu labuya ekudingisweni ngo-1990 bekungakaze kube nomdonsiswano noma umbango ngozothatha esobuMengameli beqembu.
"Usuqhamukaphi manje lo msindo uma sekufike isikhathi sikaMsholozi sokuqhoqhobala izintambo zokuhola iqembu likaKhongolose.
Angithi sonke sazibonela ngo-1991 isekela li-kababa Oliver Tambo lithatha ubuholi ngaphandle kokuphazanyiswa, futhi saphinde sazibonela abaholi abaphezulu bakaKhongolose beyicaba in-dlela eyabe ilungiselela uMongameli Thabo Mbeki ukuba angaphikiswa muntu ngo-1997.
Yiwo kanye lowo mlando wangaphakathi kwiqembu likaKhongolose ongaseyukwazi ukushintsha nokuphazamisa uMsholozi ukuba alihole leli qembu akade ayewa evuka nalo" kwasho uSolwazi Seepe ethula inkulumo eyisimnywa se Democratic Professionals of South Africa eThekwini ngonyaka osewusethala.
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi (UMcwaningi noMhlaziyi wezepolitiki) EMLAZI
Sunday, August 2, 2009
WORKING WOMAN SUCCESS & YOUR PERSONAL PURPOSE
"Every person has a Personal Purpose. Achieving it leads to a life of contentment. Not achieving it leads to mere existence" said Writer Mark Woodman at the turn of the millennium.
According to him, many people go through life without getting to know what really motivates them. They never really believe that they are special and that they have the right and ability to strive after a life of happiness and contentment.
" 'Purpose is the key element that leads to realising that life is worth living'. A Life with Purpose is a life worth living, because having Purpose creates a feeling of belonging, of worth, and being special" eloquently Woodman puts it.
As we begin the Women's Month (August), how many members of the 'fairer sex' still recall "that Bitch in Black" from the television show The Weakest Link?
Love her or hate her, she offers the kind of practical solutions that can help women find their authenticity and climb their ladder to the top.
We are talking here about Fiona Coyne, the author of " Who Moved My Ladder? the working woman's guide to success".
'Who Moved My Ladder' spells out in no uncertain terms why so many apparently confident, poised women are taking strain and struggling to find contentment and success.
Coyne spells out who and what is impending the working women's progress both personally and professionally.
"If we hope to make positive changes in our lives we have to know what it is that needs changing, and we can't know that until we know ourselves" advises Coyne.
Addressing powerful Durban women in business last week, Business Partners Executive Director Gerrie von Biljon reminded all the proffessional women about the pivotal role they were playing in shaping the country's economy.
"The role of women in business can never be over-estimated. The business world has changed. Economic conditions were changing but businesswomen are riding the storm because the fully understand that 'bad weather never lasts'. I implore every woman leader to use their imagination and take things as normal despite the dire economic challenges" cautions von Biljon.
ABSA Regional Head of Transactions & Deposits Ms Desree Blackburn has also advised the working women about how to manage their future in the economic downturn.
"Being a professional woman myself, I have witnessed several women that were quite adept at managing their personal finances and that proves the pivotal role we can play in our country's economic growth" noted Blackburn.
Lstly, but not least, another powerful women Writer I will recommend for every womanto read is Sheila Walsh.
Walsh is the author of the life-enhancing book titled; 'Life is Tough, but God is Faithful - How to See God's Love in Difficult times'.
Here we are dealing with a professional woman whose life's perspective was altered by the contagious illness of her mother-in -law who suffered in cancer.
According to him, many people go through life without getting to know what really motivates them. They never really believe that they are special and that they have the right and ability to strive after a life of happiness and contentment.
" 'Purpose is the key element that leads to realising that life is worth living'. A Life with Purpose is a life worth living, because having Purpose creates a feeling of belonging, of worth, and being special" eloquently Woodman puts it.
As we begin the Women's Month (August), how many members of the 'fairer sex' still recall "that Bitch in Black" from the television show The Weakest Link?
Love her or hate her, she offers the kind of practical solutions that can help women find their authenticity and climb their ladder to the top.
We are talking here about Fiona Coyne, the author of " Who Moved My Ladder? the working woman's guide to success".
'Who Moved My Ladder' spells out in no uncertain terms why so many apparently confident, poised women are taking strain and struggling to find contentment and success.
Coyne spells out who and what is impending the working women's progress both personally and professionally.
"If we hope to make positive changes in our lives we have to know what it is that needs changing, and we can't know that until we know ourselves" advises Coyne.
Addressing powerful Durban women in business last week, Business Partners Executive Director Gerrie von Biljon reminded all the proffessional women about the pivotal role they were playing in shaping the country's economy.
"The role of women in business can never be over-estimated. The business world has changed. Economic conditions were changing but businesswomen are riding the storm because the fully understand that 'bad weather never lasts'. I implore every woman leader to use their imagination and take things as normal despite the dire economic challenges" cautions von Biljon.
ABSA Regional Head of Transactions & Deposits Ms Desree Blackburn has also advised the working women about how to manage their future in the economic downturn.
"Being a professional woman myself, I have witnessed several women that were quite adept at managing their personal finances and that proves the pivotal role we can play in our country's economic growth" noted Blackburn.
Lstly, but not least, another powerful women Writer I will recommend for every womanto read is Sheila Walsh.
Walsh is the author of the life-enhancing book titled; 'Life is Tough, but God is Faithful - How to See God's Love in Difficult times'.
Here we are dealing with a professional woman whose life's perspective was altered by the contagious illness of her mother-in -law who suffered in cancer.
Friday, July 31, 2009
EMPOWER ALL OUR WOMEN
Chamber Digest Issue 3/2005 July Issue 2
As South African womenfolk celebrate the first decade of their Women's Day (09 August 2005), is it not incumbent that we should take stock and critique their political, economic and social acceleration within the ten-year period ?
Surely, some commentators will regard woman emancipation as illusion when juxtaposed against the perpetual female subjugation that prevail in rural and farm areas eleven years after the advent of democracy in South Africa.
As a matter of fact, the mainstream civil sphere reflects a resounding victory for womankind in real transformation and affirmative action programmes. Our country's effort to integrate women into the mainstream agenda, and the advocacy of women's empowerment should be attributed to no less a person than President Thabo Mbeki. South Africa is on the right track to equal the 1997 SADC Parliamentary Forum resolution to access 10% women representation in the parliamentary legislatures by 2015.
Who dares to forge; the political milestone of 23 June 2005, when Mbeki appointed Ms Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka as the historic female Deputy President of South Africa ?
Hailing the appointments of women into executive positions is self-defeating because we need every woman to benefit from political and economic development. A serious challenge is evident when you look at the majority of Black economic empowerment (BEE) equity transactions concluded during the past ten years.
Research (see Business Women's Association 2005 March Report) reveals thait we've either overlooked women, were under-represented or were given a very insignificant role in business. Since its common knowledge that women constitute a strong, dynamic force in our society, it becomes imperative that wc should encourage every woman to contribute meaningfully to the development of SA's economy.
If transformation, BEE and affirmative action principles are aimed at increasing participation and changing the racial mix of the class that owns or controls the economic resources, then South Africa should capacitate women in their multitudes. A case in point is the Trade and industry's draft Codes of Good Practice that aim to address the need for women to benefit from economic transformation by setting specific targets of enterprise ownership.
At this stage, I would argue that total liberation was never premised solely to transform patterns of ownership and the management of the economy only. There is still more that needs to be done to secure and consolidate, in order to celebrate Women's Day as a truly glorious honour, encompassing the dignity of all our women. By now we need to have women champions who lead women's empowerment programmes.
The dilemma and critical challenge facing our country are that opportunities are concentrated on a handful of wellknown, established female entrepreneurs at the expense of the heroines lying in the periphery of our metropole settings. In order to realise a holistic dcvelopment programme, this becomes a critical challenge to our various local government leaderships. Therefore, one argues strongly that a base of women entrepreneurs should be established and BEE- programmes must create a sound Black middle class.
South Africa has reached an era whereby we should be increasing the pool of women in empow erment deals through public-private-community partnerships. These interventions should be crafted with the primary motive of reducing poverty among fellow African women, as opposed to the creation of instant millionaires.
As soon as every woman becomes an active participant in the nation's empowerment agenda, and government funded institutions such as SAWID translate to every woman throughout the country, ten year celebrations of Women's Day will ensure that every woman is better positioned as a significant role player in the country's constitutional development.
Submitted by:
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi
Independent Media Practitioner
Tel: 031 3011088
Cell:0825816323 / 0733421599
---------------------------------------******************-----------------------------------
EMPOWER ALL OUR WOMEN CITY PRESS 31 JULY 2005
WHEN South African women celebrate the first decade of their Women's Day on August 9, we should take stock and critique their political, economic and social acceleration in the past 10 years.
Surely, some commentators would regard women emancipation as an illusion when viewed against the perpetual female subjugation that exists in rural areas 11 years after the advent of democracy in South Africa.
As a matter of fact, the mainstream civil sphere reflects a resounding victory for womankind in real transformation and affirmative action programmes.
Our country's efforts to integrate women into the mainstreain agenda and the advocacy of women's empowerment should be attributed to President Thabo Mbeki.
South Africa has so far surpassed the 1997 SADC parliamentary forum resolution to achieve 30% women representation in the legislature by 2005.
Who dares forget the political milestone of June 23 this year when Mbeki appointed Ms Phumzile Miambo-Ngcuka as his deputy?
But hailing the appointments of women into executive positions is self-defeating because we need every women to benefit fully from political and economic development.
A serious challenge is evident when you look at the majority of black economic empowerment (BEE) equity transactions concluded during the past 10 years reveals.
Research (see Business Women's Association March 2005 Report) reveals that women were either overlooked, under-represented or were given a very insignificant role in business.
Since it is common knowledge that women constitute a strong, dynamic force in our society, it becomes imperative that we should encourage every woman to contribute meaningfully to the development of SA's economy.
If transformation, BEE and affirmative action principles were aimed at increasing participation and changing the racial mix of the class that owns or control the economic resources, South Africa should empower women in their multitudes.
A case in point is the trade and industry draft codes of good practice that aim to address the need for women to benefit from economic transformation by setting specific targets for enterprise ownership.
At this stage, I would argue that total liberation was never premised solely to transform patterns of ownership and the management of the economy,
There is still more that needs to be done to celebrate Women's Day as a truly glorious honour encompassing the dignity of all our women.
We need to have women champions who lead women's empowerment programmes.
The dilemma and critical challenge facing our country is that opportunities were confined to a handful of well-known, established female entrepreuners at the expense of the heroines in rural areas.
South Africa should be increasing the pool of women in empowerment deals through public-private-community partnerships.
These interventions should be crafted with the primary motive of reducing poverty among African women as opposed to the creation of instant millionaires.
As soon as every woman becomes a participant in the nation's empowerment agenda, 10-year celebrations of Women's Day would ensure that every woman was better positioned as a significant role player in the country's development.
NKONZWENHLE MQADI
Durban
As South African womenfolk celebrate the first decade of their Women's Day (09 August 2005), is it not incumbent that we should take stock and critique their political, economic and social acceleration within the ten-year period ?
Surely, some commentators will regard woman emancipation as illusion when juxtaposed against the perpetual female subjugation that prevail in rural and farm areas eleven years after the advent of democracy in South Africa.
As a matter of fact, the mainstream civil sphere reflects a resounding victory for womankind in real transformation and affirmative action programmes. Our country's effort to integrate women into the mainstream agenda, and the advocacy of women's empowerment should be attributed to no less a person than President Thabo Mbeki. South Africa is on the right track to equal the 1997 SADC Parliamentary Forum resolution to access 10% women representation in the parliamentary legislatures by 2015.
Who dares to forge; the political milestone of 23 June 2005, when Mbeki appointed Ms Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka as the historic female Deputy President of South Africa ?
Hailing the appointments of women into executive positions is self-defeating because we need every woman to benefit from political and economic development. A serious challenge is evident when you look at the majority of Black economic empowerment (BEE) equity transactions concluded during the past ten years.
Research (see Business Women's Association 2005 March Report) reveals thait we've either overlooked women, were under-represented or were given a very insignificant role in business. Since its common knowledge that women constitute a strong, dynamic force in our society, it becomes imperative that wc should encourage every woman to contribute meaningfully to the development of SA's economy.
If transformation, BEE and affirmative action principles are aimed at increasing participation and changing the racial mix of the class that owns or controls the economic resources, then South Africa should capacitate women in their multitudes. A case in point is the Trade and industry's draft Codes of Good Practice that aim to address the need for women to benefit from economic transformation by setting specific targets of enterprise ownership.
At this stage, I would argue that total liberation was never premised solely to transform patterns of ownership and the management of the economy only. There is still more that needs to be done to secure and consolidate, in order to celebrate Women's Day as a truly glorious honour, encompassing the dignity of all our women. By now we need to have women champions who lead women's empowerment programmes.
The dilemma and critical challenge facing our country are that opportunities are concentrated on a handful of wellknown, established female entrepreneurs at the expense of the heroines lying in the periphery of our metropole settings. In order to realise a holistic dcvelopment programme, this becomes a critical challenge to our various local government leaderships. Therefore, one argues strongly that a base of women entrepreneurs should be established and BEE- programmes must create a sound Black middle class.
South Africa has reached an era whereby we should be increasing the pool of women in empow erment deals through public-private-community partnerships. These interventions should be crafted with the primary motive of reducing poverty among fellow African women, as opposed to the creation of instant millionaires.
As soon as every woman becomes an active participant in the nation's empowerment agenda, and government funded institutions such as SAWID translate to every woman throughout the country, ten year celebrations of Women's Day will ensure that every woman is better positioned as a significant role player in the country's constitutional development.
Submitted by:
Nkonzwenhle Mqadi
Independent Media Practitioner
Tel: 031 3011088
Cell:0825816323 / 0733421599
---------------------------------------******************-----------------------------------
EMPOWER ALL OUR WOMEN CITY PRESS 31 JULY 2005
WHEN South African women celebrate the first decade of their Women's Day on August 9, we should take stock and critique their political, economic and social acceleration in the past 10 years.
Surely, some commentators would regard women emancipation as an illusion when viewed against the perpetual female subjugation that exists in rural areas 11 years after the advent of democracy in South Africa.
As a matter of fact, the mainstream civil sphere reflects a resounding victory for womankind in real transformation and affirmative action programmes.
Our country's efforts to integrate women into the mainstreain agenda and the advocacy of women's empowerment should be attributed to President Thabo Mbeki.
South Africa has so far surpassed the 1997 SADC parliamentary forum resolution to achieve 30% women representation in the legislature by 2005.
Who dares forget the political milestone of June 23 this year when Mbeki appointed Ms Phumzile Miambo-Ngcuka as his deputy?
But hailing the appointments of women into executive positions is self-defeating because we need every women to benefit fully from political and economic development.
A serious challenge is evident when you look at the majority of black economic empowerment (BEE) equity transactions concluded during the past 10 years reveals.
Research (see Business Women's Association March 2005 Report) reveals that women were either overlooked, under-represented or were given a very insignificant role in business.
Since it is common knowledge that women constitute a strong, dynamic force in our society, it becomes imperative that we should encourage every woman to contribute meaningfully to the development of SA's economy.
If transformation, BEE and affirmative action principles were aimed at increasing participation and changing the racial mix of the class that owns or control the economic resources, South Africa should empower women in their multitudes.
A case in point is the trade and industry draft codes of good practice that aim to address the need for women to benefit from economic transformation by setting specific targets for enterprise ownership.
At this stage, I would argue that total liberation was never premised solely to transform patterns of ownership and the management of the economy,
There is still more that needs to be done to celebrate Women's Day as a truly glorious honour encompassing the dignity of all our women.
We need to have women champions who lead women's empowerment programmes.
The dilemma and critical challenge facing our country is that opportunities were confined to a handful of well-known, established female entrepreuners at the expense of the heroines in rural areas.
South Africa should be increasing the pool of women in empowerment deals through public-private-community partnerships.
These interventions should be crafted with the primary motive of reducing poverty among African women as opposed to the creation of instant millionaires.
As soon as every woman becomes a participant in the nation's empowerment agenda, 10-year celebrations of Women's Day would ensure that every woman was better positioned as a significant role player in the country's development.
NKONZWENHLE MQADI
Durban
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