The biggest labour federation in the country -Congress of the South African Trade Unions - has pronounced that the former trade unionist - turned a multimillionare, the 65-year old Cyril Matamela Ramaphosa, as their preferred presidential candidate during the ANC's elective conference scheduled for December 2017 in the Northern Cape province.
Was it not proper that the ordinary citizens begin to grapple with pertinent questions such as what does this "nomination" signifies for the social-economic-political changes in South Africa within the next five years?
If and when Ramaphosa emerges victorious from the ANC conference, he would subsequently become the country's head of state after the 2019 general elections, and, again if the current ruling party were to secure a substantial endorsement from the electorate to continue governance in the Republic of South Africa.
How much impact to our political economy would the successful businessperson in him translate to, for the ordinary working class?
Will Ramaphosa redefine the Republic of South Africa's power structure and reshape our political, labour an d economic institutions?
The critical question that arises about his "earliest" preference, (as the ANC has not formally declared the nomination process open) are the outcomes of the historical junctures which are extremely important whenever there was a change in the leadership of the government administration.
No one would deny what COSATU members play a critical role in crafting and shaping the government policies as it sits in the Tripartite Alliance (including the SACP) with the ANC. Its widely published that the first democratic government's blueprint, aptly referred as the Reconstruction Development Programme (RDP) was the COSATU membership brainchild?
Without prejudging Ramaphosa as the RSA's No.1, but were there any prospects that he will introduce laudable programmes that aim to close and/or eliminate the high rate of unemployment in our country?
How will South Africa prosper under his presidential tenure as the country continue to suffer from the wide margins of social and economic inequalities amongst the citizens across the skin colour?
Ramaphosa is currently the leader of RSA Government Business, once he becomes the head of state, will he approve the NEDLAC recommendations R 3 500,00 minimum wage to the poorest of the poor - working class communities?
What ace up Ramaphosa's sleeve does he carry to silence COSATU as he tackle and/or abolish the labour federation's contentious gripe with the two successive heads of state over the labour brokers, and the rentrechment stranglehold of workers by big business on the working class?
Amongst pressing issues too, was the fact that South African economy is fraught with severe problems, such as decreasing per capita income, lack of real growth in gross domestic product (GDP) and the ever-increasing rate of unemployment, in particular, the newly-qualified graduates.
Mind you, the labour market flexibility and international competitiveness remain South Africa's prime economic objectives.
It was a sustainable economic growth and job creation opportunities that the citizens want as, in turn, will lead South Africa towards a sustainable level of global competitiveness nowadays.
Organized labour (i.e COSATU) demands a reduction in the wage gap between the highest and lower paid workers. On the other hand, big business in South Africa advocates minimal interventions to the country's labour market.
Does this not shed light that Ramaphosa's government would be held captive by the labour federation on job creation programmes?
NB: Folks, I am only giving you a "preview" on the piece about the Cosatu's preferredd ANC presidential candidate.
Everyone was at liberty to engage constructively and scholarly on this post.
Once I've collected enough data (ur views, comments & opinions) I shall then publish the full text on my Blog - EMAQADINI MEDIA, and also it will be published by the mainstream media network in South Africa and internationally.
RAMAPHOSA bona fides
Born in Chiawelo, Soweto on November 17, 1952, Ramaphosa's activism began when he studied law at the University of the North (i.e Turfloop University) where he joined the SASO and the Black People's Convention, as he was drawn to the ideology of the black consciousness which was prevalent at the time.
After completing his legal degree in the early 1980's, Ramaphosa emerges as the leader of the National Union of Mineworkers, which would become one of the biggest and powerful trade unions in the old-apartheid South Africa.
Archives also proves that Ramaphosa was also instrumental in the formation of the Congress of the South African Trade Unions (COSATU) IN at the beginning of the 1980's.
Thou, Ramaphosa never occupied any higher office within the United Democratic Front, but COSATU's alliance with the mass-bassed grassroots structures, had broadened Ramaphosa's influence across anti-apartheid groupings.
Some historical facts reveal that it was the NUM under Ramaphosa's stewardship that was pivotal in helping 'Oom Gov', that communist firebrand, Govan Mbeki, who was released from Robben Island Prison with the the sole mandate and instructions to revive the ANC structures inside South Africa.
Ramaphosa's importance within the NUM was his major influence that he transmitted ANC beliefs in an overall package. One is tempted to argue that Ramaphosa emphasized that 'the main content of the present stage of the S.A revolution is the national liberation of the largest and most oppressed group -the African people (ANC Strategies & Tactics).
Ramaphosa's pre-eminent role to the S.A struggle against apartheid can be seen from the pivotal role he played when the country's politics had reached a stage of what Antonio Gramsci calls "reciprocal seige" - whereby negotiations become an option and the contending parties are forced to reach a sttlement [Selections from the Prison Notebooks, A, Gramsci et al, London, 1971 (p. 238-9)]
Simply put, the S.A white regime was intransigent, powerfully-armed and bolstered by the major Western powers (despite sanctions0, but the ANC underground operations led by the Operation Vula operatives had established a solid offensive range against the Boers on a wide range of fronts from inside eMzansi.
When the apartheid government lifted bannings on the ANC and other liberation organizations, Ramaphosa was already politically-well established after having worked clandestinely with the Operation Vula network for many years.
And, it came as no suprise at all when he was elected the ANC Secretary---General on July 1991 at the first elective conference held in Durban of the liberation movement inside the country since the 1960s.
Many a commentator regard Ramaphosa as the 'forefather' of the RSA constitutional democracy because he played a leading role in the negotiations for a new democratic dispensation.
After the first democratic elections held on April 27, 1994, Ramaphosa was selected to chair the Constitutional Assembly.
Suprisingly though, he decided to leave politics and pursued business opportrunities in 1996 - immediately after the RSA Constitution Act was promulgated.
However, it suffices to add that Ramaphosa never turned his back on the ANC structures as he continued to serve on the ANC National Executive Committe.
Numerous eminent persons inside and outside of South Africa have painted a glossy picture of Ramaphosa if and when he were to become the president of South Africa one day.
"Ramaphosa is the man to lead South Africa in the long run," former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was once qouted uttering these words on her judgement of the politician [The Privatisation of Cyril Ramaphosa by Hugh Murray, Leadership, July 1997, p.23]
And one senior and leading ANC politician, the late Kader Asmal, had quite a philosophical description of Ramaphosa.
"As an ameliorator and a processor Ramaphosa transfers the antagonistic of his into an unexpected consensus. His own deeper beliefs and opinions remain hidden.
People who have known him for many years have no idea what his position might be on central aspects of economy or foreign policy," Kader said during the interview with Ramaphosa biographer, Anthony Butler in the RSA Parliament on 3 Dember 2006.
Nonetheless, but it was the apt and concise words of the leader of the opposition party, General Bantu Holomisa of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) who had said a mouthful about Ramaphosa.
"Beneath his bonhomie and charm, morever, there's a coldness and dispassionate equality. He is not a 'prisoner of friendship' who would feel obliged to pay back his friends for loyalty.
'If he was president, he would be president,' said Holomisa during an interview with Anthony Butler in Parliament on 5 September 2006.
MEXICO'S Government - Labour Pact
Certainly, there some genteel murmurings that COSATU was hasty in pronouncing on the ANC's next presidential candidate, but then they argue that they were an autonomous organisation within the tripartite alliance.
Futhermore, they argue that they were following the ANC's traditional norm whereby the deputy president succeeds the president when vacates office.
Our case study reflects on Mexico after the revolution, after the fall of the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, and the "constitutionalists" emerged victorious and formed a pact with organized labour.
Subsequently, Mexico government established what they called a "tarrif wall" and moved away from a system with an extremely high degree of market control.
The tarrif wall and the provisions of the Mexican constitution favoured labour and transferred control from employers to a newly-organized labour federation, and the constitutionalists ultimately strengthened government control.
History tells us that the alliance between the labour and the state resulted in three decades of rising real wages, until such time that the alliance partners agreed to a law wage policy with emphasis on productivity increases to justify wage gains.
As in Mexico, the South African labour movement has a strong state-labour alliance existed and in both countries control shifted from employers to a strengthened state.
The power of organized labour was derived from its ability to influence the political process.
However, the Mexico case should be noted and must act as a caution for South Africa under the leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa.
In the new globalised political economy, Mexican labour force learnt that the promise of big and influential positions could be "seductive".
Therefore, president elect Ramaphosa should also consider earnestly the constituencies carrying his ticket and their ambitions post the ANC elective conference.
COSATU, too, should consider trading off short-term legislative gains and influence in the Ramaphosa-led government for a long-term strength achieved towards the realisation of the National Democratic Revolution, in our lifetime.
Written by: Nkonzwenhle 'Nkonzo' Mqadi
(Qualified Schoolteacher, Writer, Blogger & Socio-Econo-Political Commentator)
Based in Durban
Cell: 0730439611 / 0825816323
Email:
qadimaqadini@gmail.com
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